Francisco Daniel Zuñiga Acevedo
Victim of the military dictatorship.
Background
Francisco Daniel Zuñiga Acevedo
Victim of the military dictatorship.
Case summary
Francisco Daniel Zúñiga Acevedo, known as "El Gurka," was a Captain in the Carabineros and head of the CNI Anti-Terrorist Unit who operated under the alias Félix Catalán Cueto. He participated in Operation Albania (Corpus Christi Massacre) in 1987 and died in 1991, being identified years later by the police as one of the agents involved in said crime.
MemoriaViva[1]
Relatos de los Hechos
On December 20, 1991, Francisco Zúñiga Acevedo committed suicide.
Source: La Nacion
Relatos de los Hechos
While the minister in extraordinary visitation, Hugo Dolmestch, awaits responses to the indictments issued in Operation Albania, Primera Línea gained access to key investigation documents: the rosters of Central Nacional de Informaciones (CNI) agents who participated in the violent crime, which served as the basis for clarifying the events of June 15 and 16, 1987.
In the extensive file on the so-called Corpus Christi Massacre, it can be observed, page by page, how the evidence gathered by ministers Dolmestch and Milton Juica served to elucidate what happened over those two days, which resulted in the deaths of twelve members of the Frente.
And now, as the magistrate is practically on the verge of definitively concluding the chapter, it is even more important to understand how the dissolved CNI hid data or modified records, making it difficult for the courts to approach the truth.
There were two brief, classified official reports that the courts requested from the CNI, which only contributed to creating difficulties, as they reported aliases rather than true identities, which greatly complicated the work of the courts.
The true identities However, it was not until December 15, 1998, 11 years after the deaths, that the Fifth Department of the Investigative Police (Policía de Investigaciones) was able to define to whom the false identities corresponded and thus configure the operational group that participated in the action.
The document indicates the aliases and the true identities to which they correspond. Thus, it is indicated that Eduardo Correa Valenzuela is in reality Emilio Enrique Neira Donoso; Gustavo Ruiz Cornejo is the alias of René Armando Valdovinos Morales, also known as "El Catanga"; Felix Catalan Cueto is Francisco Daniel Zuñiga Acevedo; Oscar Fernández Santa María corresponds to Kranstz Johans Bauer Donoso; and Carlos Fuentes Contreras is in real life Miguel Angel Morales Acevedo, also known as "El Bareta".
The identities and aliases continue: Manuel Sandoval Rojas corresponds in reality to Héctor Juan Jaque Riffo; René Morales Rojas is Ricardo Abraham Bozo Salgado; Andrés Montalva Díaz is the alias of Iván Leopoldo Cifuentes Martínez; César Sanz Urriola is Rodrigo Pérez Martínez; José Velasco Fernández is Iván Raúl Belarmino Quiroz Ruiz; Manuel Apablaza Núñez corresponds to Gonzalo Fernando Mass del Valle; Rodrigo Vidal Saez is José Aníbal Rodríguez Díaz; and José Carmona Gutiérrez has as his true name José Miguel Morales Morales.
The unknown that remains in the air is the identification of the alias of Marcos Aravena Guzmán, which would correspond—supposedly—to Pedro María Rojas Vasquez. Nothing has been able to be advanced regarding the true names of seven aliases: José Cáceres Sánchez, Juan Ordenes Flores, Israel Durán Marchant, Germán Fuenzalida Sagredo, Jaime Martínez Fuentes, Carlos Ramírez Muñoz, and Benjamín Urzúa Figueroa.
The CNI reports But the history of the contradictory reports began to be woven a few days after the crimes. On August 25, 1987, the National Director of the CNI, Brigadier (ret.) Hugo Salas Wenzel, responded to the first report sent to him by the ad-hoc military prosecutor, Fernando Torres Silva.
In a two-page text, Salas Wenzel recounts which agents participated in the raids on the houses at Varas Mena 656 and 417 in the commune of San Miguel. Along with this, he provides the identity of the officials injured in this activity.
To the surprise of the courts, the names did not match real identities but were instead the aliases used by the agents. Falling into absolute ostracism, in which the Army Auditor's Office—which covertly provided advice to the officers involved in the illicit acts—played a gravitational role, the evidence confused more than it contributed to the investigation.
The inquiries continued, and for the second time, a classified report was sent to the prosecutor of the Second Military Prosecutor's Office of Santiago. It briefly indicates the identities of officials who allegedly participated in the events.
Dated August 28, 1989, the document signed by the deputy director of the CNI, Marcos Derpich Miranda, adds more confusion to the ongoing inquiries, but even so, it is not entirely challenged by the judicial authorities.
Faced with the surprise of the judicial authorities, and specifically the investigating minister of the case, Hugo Dolmestch, a clarification is requested from the authorities regarding the true names of the persons involved in the crime.
The response comes from Major General (ret.) Hugo Salas Wenzel. On July 2, 1990, the high-ranking officer maintains that "in relation to the report indicated in reference, it is informed that the names consulted do not appear among the personnel classified in the Chilean Army." He adds that "the information contained therein (in the report of August 28, 1989) does not correspond to reality.
The roster that was sent corresponded to the information provided by the CNI coordinator before military prosecutors, in accordance with the court's requirement. Currently, inquiries are being carried out to determine the identities of those who participated in the fulfillment of the judicial orders of that time, taking into consideration the difficulties represented by the time elapsed, the fact that the organization in charge of carrying out said orders has been dissolved, and the numerous personnel who have retired." The crossed information forced the judicial authorities to initiate a process for falsification of an official document against Derpich, an investigation that was dismantled by the Court Martial. But the series of denials, rectifications, and clarifications from the CNI continued with an upward escalation. Interrogated on September 2, 1994, the deputy director of the CNI, Marcos Spiro Derpich Miranda, explains in his defense that he only signed a document with supposed agents of the Central and that he is unaware of the veracity of these reports provided by his subordinates. In a clarification critical to the judicial investigation, Derpich recounts that "in the report in question, number 212,093 of August 1989, it is said that the officials who appear there had—dubiously—participated in the events." He adds that "the officials of the Central Nacional de Informaciones possessed an operational identification, that is, internal documentation where their work name was consigned and by which they were known. You will also know that when the identities of the apprehenders or participants in clashes with terrorist elements were reported to the military courts, it was done with the supposed or work identity, a procedure that was structured from before my entry into the CNI; so much so that the internal documentation related to the functions of its members was done with this work or operational name." And the defenses of the retired officers continue to add up to the point that the courts are still waiting for an official confirmation to know, definitively, who participated in the operation.
Source: Primera Linea
The crimes of Hualpén and the Vega Monumental
This September 23, the day we remember 24 years since the homicide by explosives of Jaime Orellana and Nelson Lagos in Chillán, the scene reconstructions of the crimes committed by the military of the Armed Forces on duty in the CNI were carried out, where they proceeded with exclusive dedication to plan and execute homicides, some massive, such as that of August 23, 1984.
With a large police deployment in which numerous PDI officers participated—some strangely hooded as in the dictatorship—and GOPE personnel, the scene reconstruction was carried out under the charge of Minister Carlos Aldana, who, in the company of his secretary lawyer David Bravo and the lawyer of the Human Rights Department of the Ministry of the Interior, Mrs.
Magdalena Garcés, participated in order to clarify the criminal events in which the leaders of the Southern zone of the MIR were executed on August 23, 1984. In each place where the proceedings were carried out—Hualpén, Concepción, and San Pedro—in addition to their relatives and friends, the Association of Political Executions of the MIR of Concepción and social organizations of Hualpén were present.
A large public from the sector and press from various media outlets gathered, who from a distance—cordoned off by the officers—were attentive to the movements that described the events that occurred in those homicides.
Let us remember that on this date, seven comrades, members of the Southern leadership of the MIR, were executed in the Operation called Alfa Carbón 1 by the Security Services of that time, whose objective was to eliminate the members of that MIR leadership.
During that simultaneous operation, Nelson Herrera and Mario Lagos were murdered in Concepción, and in Hualpén, Luciano Aedo Arias; in Los Ángeles, Mario Mújica; and in Valdivia, Juan José Boncompte, Rogelio Tapia, and Raúl Barrientos.
The executioners, members of the CNI, were commanded by Marcos Derpisch Miranda: Army Lieutenant Colonel in charge of the operation, and seconded by Hugo José Hechenleitner, Army Lieutenant Colonel, who appeared today at the scene of the events along with five other members of the former CNI to reconstruct the events on Grecia Street at the corner of Nápoles in the current Commune of Hualpén, where Luciano Aedo Arias was murdered.
Some of the names of the death squad that participated in the Alfa Carbón 1 operation in Concepción: 1. Marcos Derpisch Miranda: Army Lieutenant Colonel in charge of the operation. Today he continues working in the DINE (Army Intelligence Directorate). 2.
Hugo José Hechenleitner: Lieutenant Colonel, his alias was Antonio Martínez López. 3. Claudio Rodrigo Rosas Fernandez: Army Lieutenant Colonel. 4. Víctor Manuel Muñoz Orellana: Army Non-Commissioned Officer, his alias was Jaime Ricardo Marinovic Palma, and he was the one who shot Luciano Aedo. 5.
Álvaro Corbalán Castilla (Army Major). Today imprisoned in the Punta Peuco resort. 6. Francisco Zúñiga Acevedo: Army Officer. Already deceased, he left without paying. 7. Jorge Mandiola Arredondo: Army Major. 8.
Carlos Palma: Army Non-Commissioned Officer. 9. Leandro Montenegro (Army Non-Commissioned Officer), alias Farias. 10. Jorge Vargas: Civilian. 11. Miguel Gajardo: Civilian. 12. Andres Caris: Carabineros Non-Commissioned Officer. 13.
Egon Barra: Carabineros Corporal. 14. Rosa Humilde Ramos: Army Non-Commissioned Officer. The most feared among her peers. They call her "La Mala" (The Bad One). 15. Teresa Osorio: Navy Non-Commissioned Officer.
These are those who acted in the Concepción and Hualpén massacre, accompanied by another numerous contingent of CNI officers, Army, Carabineros, and snitches. In the case of Los Ángeles, where they murdered Mario Mujica, the following participated in the numerous contingent of evildoers: 1.- Bruno Antonio Soto Aravena 2.- José Artemio Zapata Zapata.
Currently, it is believed that one of them—they say it has not been possible to establish which one—is living in Los Ángeles and the other in Concepción. For a short time, they were detained and were in prison, but of course, after a short time, they were released, and today they enjoy full freedom.
After concluding in Hualpén, the entourage moved to the Vega Monumental sector, where Nelson Herrera and Mario Lagos were executed after having surrendered and descended with their hands up from the taxi-bus in which they were traveling.
This event is a clear example of how the rights of the detainee were violated, as they were unarmed and without the capacity for armed response, they were riddled with bullets in the presence of passersby and passengers of the bus in which they were traveling, which constitutes a double homicide.
After the reconstruction in Hualpén and Concepción was finished, the Minister and his work team moved to the El Recodo neighborhood on the road to Santa Juana, where the CNI proceeded to raid the house of Nelson Herrera's family, in which his wife, Patricia Zalaquet, was detained.
Today, Minister Aldana has obtained, in the presence of the accused, the details and characteristics of these crimes that were presented at that time to public opinion as "clashes" of terrorists against CNI officials, even though these evildoers had traveled expressly from Santiago to commit the illicit acts.
It should be noted, as the Minister Aldana himself pointed out to the press, that this judicial case was archived in the Military Prosecutor's Office, from where it was recovered, apparently by the Government's Human Rights Department, to transfer it to the hands of the Civil Justice system, which will now have the task of prosecuting and passing sentence, although the Minister himself indicated that he does not rule out new proceedings.
The Relatives of Political Executions of the MIR in Concepción expect a lot from the Minister; so far, all his conclusions in other cases blame only the material executioners, the last link in the chain of command, the one who pulled the trigger, leaving the intellectual authors and commanders who gave the orders to murder unpunished.
That is why we hope that this chain of command reaches the High Commands of the institutions that had intelligence apparatuses with exclusive dedication to commit crimes, and those are even higher than Álvaro Corbalán Castilla himself (who excused himself from attending although he participated in the events), because this bandit did not command himself.
Today it transpired that the Minister had submitted to prosecution the second in command of the CNI, whom he had sent as a detainee to the Chacabuco Regiment; until the moment of writing this note, it was only a rumor.
The orders to murder in a highly hierarchical and centralized armed institution could only come from the Intelligence General Staff with the due approval and authorization of the de facto Government of the coup-plotting military.
It is striking that the former leaders of the MIR of that time are once again not present supporting the relatives, nor are they part of the lawsuits for truth and justice, nor do they undertake initiatives against impunity; it is possible that they are hunting for votes instead of hunting criminals.
Source: Liberacion.cl Wednesday, September 30, 2009
Pinochetist torturer sent letter of recommendations to Piñera
The so-called conflict in La Araucanía was not absent from the memorandum that the former operational chief of the Central Nacional de Inteligencia (CNI), Álvaro Corbalán, currently imprisoned in Punta Peuco, which was seized by Gendarmería (prison police) personnel.
Specifically, Corbalán points out under the subtitle: “Neutralization of subversive action in La Araucanía and anarchic groups,” he mentions that “Through the ANI (National Intelligence Agency) with multidisciplinary teams of probable experience and of the best level as informants, dismantle the cells responsible for bombings, unpunished in Santiago since 2005.
Disarm the insurrectional groups that, with support from abroad, have established themselves in the La Araucanía region. Without information so that the police can carry out Intelligence and preventive action, it will not be possible to have the fundamental success that the situation merits in the conflict zone.” It should be noted that this information was made known after an investigation by Ciper Chile, which revealed the strategy that the former operational chief of the Central Nacional de Inteligencia (CNI), Álvaro Corbalán, was trying to execute from the Punta Peuco prison, offering collaboration to President Sebastián Piñera. Through a document dated May 2011, Corbalán signaled his intention to collaborate with the current government and prevent the Concertación from returning to power. In the document, which consists of 21 pages, Corbalán provides a detailed description of how Chilean repressive agencies should be restructured, in addition to attaching a report indicating the political and sexual condition of a chaplain whom he suggests removing from the institution. The document contains the names of a large number of military personnel who would be coordinated to prevent the Concertación (center coalition) from returning to power, in addition to a Plan to neutralize a candidacy of Michelle Bachelet. Profile of Álvaro Corbalán Alias Álvaro Valenzuela. Retired Army Officer. Chief of the CNI operational brigade when he was an Army Major. Accused of organizing the assassination of the union leader Tucapel Jiménez and implicated in Operation Albania, in which 12 members of the armed group Frente Patriótico Manuel Rodríguez were murdered in June 1987. This CNI criminal participated in and is the author of numerous murders; furthermore, when he saw that he would possibly face justice, he did not hesitate and cowardly involved his direct bosses, Augusto Pinochet and Hugo Salas Wenzel, breaking with this the “Code of Silence” that they had sworn among themselves. In the so-called Operation Albania, which took place between June 15 and 16, 1987, during the Corpus Christi holiday, twelve people who belonged to the Frente Patriótico Manuel Rodríguez were murdered in different parts of Santiago. According to the official versions of the military dictatorship, these people died in "clashes with security forces," but the autopsies showed that the shots were fired when the victims were lying on the floor.
Important dates in the case
On July 15, 1993, the court martial determined that this case should continue to be investigated by military justice. That same year, but on October 7, the prohibition on reporting on the case was lifted.
On November 8, 1995, the court martial modified the classification of the crime. This is because it considered that in Operation Albania there were no clashes, but rather that they were qualified homicides.
On January 5, the second military court attempted to close the inquiries, but suffered a setback as the Supreme Court ordered new proceedings in the case. On April 1, 1998, Judge Hugo Dolmestch was appointed minister in visitation for the Albania case.
That same year, the magistrate requested the commander-in-chief of the Army to identify the members of the institution who served in the CNI. On June 1, 2000, the Operation Albania case passed into the hands of civil justice, according to a decision of the second chamber of the Supreme Court.
On April 10, 2001, Juica, who had taken the case when it passed to civil justice, decided to prosecute retired General Hugo Salas Wenzel as the author of the crimes committed by Operation Albania. He was the national director of the CNI at the time the murders of the 12 people were perpetrated.
CRIMINALS INVOLVED IN THE CORPUS CHRISTI MASSACRE
Hugo Salas Wenzel (General, former director) Intellectual Author Alvaro Corbalán Castilla (Major ®) Kranstz Johans Bauer Donoso (Commander ®), alias: Oscar Hernández Santa María Iván Leopoldo Cifuentes Martínez (Lt.
Colonel) alias: Andrés Montalva Díaz Rodrigo Pérez Martínez (Major) alias: César Sanz Urriola Luis Arturo Sanhueza Ross (Army Captain ®) Iván Raúl Belarmino Quiroz Ruiz (Carabineros Commander ®) alias: José Velasco Fernández Emilio Enrique Neira Donoso, alias: Eduardo Correa Valenzuela René Armando Valdovinos Morales (Officer ®) alias: Gustavo Ruiz Cornejo, "El Catanga" Francisco Daniel Zúñiga Acevedo alias: Félix Catalán Cueto Miguel Angel Morales Acevedo (Officer ®) alias: Carlos Fuentes Contreras, "El Bareta" Héctor Juan Jaque Riffo, alias: Manuel Sandoval Rojas Ricardo Abraham Bozo Salgado, alias: René Morales Rojas Gonzalo Fernando Mass del Valle (Former detective), alias: Manuel Apablaza Núñez José Aníbal Rodríguez Díaz, alias: Rodrigo Vidal Sáez José Miguel Morales Morales, alias: José Carmona Gutiérrez Jorge Vargas Bories (Captain) Eric Silva (Lt. Colonel in active service. DINE) Hernán Mikele (Former FACH officer. CNI civilian) alias: “El Facho” Hugo Guzmán (former detective) César Luis Acuña Luengo (Officer ®) Luis Acevedo González (Carabineros Major) Pedro María Rojas Vásquez, alias: Marcos Aravena Guzmán VICTIMS and their MURDERERS Victim: Recaredo Ignacio Valenzuela Pohorecky - Murderers: Hugo Salas Wenzel, Alvaro Corbalán, Iván Quiroz, Krantz Bauer Donoso, Rodrigo Pérez Martínez, and Jorge Vargas Bories Victim: Patricio Ricardo Acosta Castro - Murderers: Hugo Salas Wenzel, Alvaro Corbalán, Iván Quiroz, Krantz Bauer Donoso, Rodrigo Pérez Martínez, and Jorge Vargas Bories Victim: Juan Waldemar Henríquez Araya - Murderers: Hugo Salas Wenzel, Alvaro Corbalán, Iván Quiroz, Krantz Bauer Donoso, Rodrigo Pérez Martínez, and Jorge Vargas Bories Victim: Wilson Daniel Henríquez Gallegos - Murderers: Hugo Salas Wenzel, Alvaro Corbalán, Iván Quiroz, Krantz Bauer Donoso, Rodrigo Pérez Martínez, and Jorge Vargas Bories Victim: Julio Arturo Guerra Olivares - Murderers: Hugo Salas Wenzel, Alvaro Corbalán, Iván Quiroz, Krantz Bauer Donoso, Rodrigo Pérez Martínez, and Arturo Sanhueza Ross Victim: Esther Angélica Cabrera Hinojosa - Murderer: Arturo Sanhueza Ross Victim: Elizabeth Edelmira Escobar Mondaca Victim: Patricia Angélica Quiroz Nilo - Murderer: Hugo Guzmán Victim: Ricardo Hernán Rivera Silva - Murderer: Gonzalo Fernando Mass del Valle Victim: Ricardo Cristián Silva Soto Victim: Manuel Eduardo Valencia Calderón Victim: José Joaquín Valenzuela Levi
Source: albatv.org, April 20, 2012
References
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