Benito Abner Rapimán Saavedra
Victim of the military dictatorship.
Background
Benito Abner Rapimán Saavedra
Victim of the military dictatorship.
Case summary
Benito Abner Rapimán Saavedra was an Army corporal and agent of the Central Nacional de Informaciones (CNI) who served as a driver for the unit in Temuco. In January 1986, he was linked to the detention and torture of 13 students in Lautaro, although he was ultimately acquitted of the charges of illegal coercion by the Supreme Court in 2009.
MemoriaViva[1]
N) Rodrigo Cárdenas Neira, from pages 146, 459, and 1,271, states that he was detained by 5 subjects at the camp and recognized Benito Rapimán Saavedra, a CNI agent. He was put into a light blue utility van and taken to the CNI barracks in Temuco.
He was tortured, and the next day a group of CNI agents from Santiago arrived and proceeded to carry out torture. N. 14) Investigation order on page 166, which details the organizational chart and structure of the Central de Informaciones (CNI) in Temuco for the year 1986 on page 180, where Jorge Palacios Mery appears as unit chief, Erasmo Bravo Huaquiñir appears in the subversive group, and Benito Rapiman Saavedra appears as a driver.
Source: Judiciary, October 30, 2009
CNI agents who tortured 13 youths in Temuco are convicted
On January 12, 1986, a group of CNI agents detained 13 middle school and university students in Lautaro, as well as supporters of the Communist Youth, who were attending a summer camp. The Supreme Court issued a final judgment in the investigation into the illegal coercion of 13 people at a barracks of the Central Nacional de Informaciones (CNI), crimes that occurred in Temuco in January 1986.
In a split decision, the ministers of the Second Chamber—Nibaldo Segura, Jaime Rodríguez, Rubén Ballesteros, Hugo Dolmestch, and Carlos Künsemüller—rejected the cassation appeal filed against the judgment of the Temuco Court of Appeals, which had acquitted Benito Rapimán Saavedra, and sentenced Jorge Palacios Mery to 540 days, with the benefit of conditional remission.
The sentence also sentenced Pedro Guzmán Olivares to 540 days with conditional remission, and Segundo Bravo Huaquiñir to 540 days with conditional remission. On January 12, 1986, a group of CNI agents detained 13 middle school and university students, as well as supporters of the Communist Youth, at the Fundo El Rocío in Lautaro, who were attending a summer camp.
The detainees were taken to a CNI barracks located at Miraflores N° 724 in Temuco. There, the young detainees were subjected to interrogations regarding the existence of weapons and their alleged participation in a guerrilla school, while being beaten on different parts of their bodies.
The following day, a group of CNI officials from Santiago arrived and took charge of the procedure. In the days that followed, the detainees were interrogated and subjected to various forms of torture, such as the application of electricity and beatings.
They were also filmed, photographed, and forced to sign an incriminating statement. On January 17, the victims Kristel Leonie Waleska Dossow Teillier, Juan Carlos Durán Fuentes, Sergio Enrique Cabello Romo, Julián Arnaldo Valdés Recabarren, Manuel René Moreno Torres, Raúl Orlando Calfulén Quintriqueo, Rodrigo Antonio Cárdenas Neira, Víctor Hugo Cárdenas Díaz, Alexis Orlando Contreras Díaz, Víctor Manuel Jofré Valenzuela, Cristina Jeannette Miranda Osorio, Alejandro Fredy Almonacid Sandoval, and Flor María Muñoz Meriche were placed at the disposal of the Military Prosecutor's Office of Temuco, which ordered their transfer to the Women's Orientation Center and the Temuco Prison, respectively. According to the ruling, this description corresponds to a crime against humanity committed against the detained youths. The resolution was adopted with the dissenting votes of ministers Segura and Ballesteros, who were in favor of applying the statute of limitations to the criminal action. by Roberto Neira
Source: soychile.cl, October 12, 2011
The list of 1,149 criminals convicted of human rights violations during the dictatorship
One of the essential ethical demands for finding paths to reconciliation in the country is the need to know what happened to the thousands of victims of the dictatorship—those whose whereabouts remain unknown after more than forty years, those who were murdered and even massacred, and whose remains were then scattered in remote places or simply thrown into the sea.
It also demands knowing who was subjected to political imprisonment and torture, and who was illegally and sadistically kidnapped. But it also requires knowing the names of those who perpetrated such despicable crimes, and DOING SO is a social imperative, so that these repudiable acts never happen again in the country, and so that this becomes a sentiment held by society and not just an empty slogan.
Only with truth can we move forward. The right to truth and the right to access public information have been exercised by Cambio21 in making public the names of the 1,149 repressors who have had to face justice for crimes against humanity.
We exercise the right to publicity as the guiding principle for public information regarding these records. The names provided include all those who have been charged in judicial cases involving forcibly disappeared and executed victims, and in some cases, it includes surviving victims.
The list is consolidated as of July 28 of this year. There are 929 open judicial cases of this nature among the more than one thousand that exist, which include torture, as well as rape and sexual abuse of women and men.
Military personnel, but also civilians, are part of the list, including even a parliamentarian—now stripped of his parliamentary immunity—such as RN member Rosauro Martínez, or Cristián Labbé, former UDI mayor, who are part of this historical roster of human rights violators.
Major criminals Augusto Pinochet, Odlanier Mena, Miguel Krassnoff Martchenko, Santiago Sinclair, Pedro Espinoza, Manuel Contreras, Osvaldo Romo, Luis Castañer (accused of burning Rodrigo Rojas De Negri and Carmen Gloria Quintana alive), or Álvaro Corbalán are part of the more than one thousand participants in the genocide.
Perhaps you, if you have been a victim of the atrocities committed at that time, will find the name of your torturer or the person who executed or abused one of your loved ones. It is true that the list alone does not heal the pain caused and is not a sign of justice or punishment, but it provides some relief to know that they have had to face the courts for their actions.
It is only the first step. Providing this information feeds the collective memory, which is nourished by a necessary remembrance that dignifies the victims. For years, they invented "clashes" that were actually massacres, "departures from the country" that never existed, and even publications abroad that reported false struggles between "extremists" to hide miserable homicides.
For years, a sick society helped validate the institutional lie protected by courts and press in the service of the dictator. We exercise the right to inform. History is built with truth, however painful it may be, and Cambio21 seeks, by delivering the list of repressors subjected to the power of the courts, to contribute to the construction of a path to reconciliation through the exercise of the human and social right to information.
Several of the agents on the list have been convicted and their sentences are final, so their responsibility as authors or accomplices constitutes legal certainty. In other cases, there are those who are only being prosecuted or accused, and there is no established legal evidence regarding them, so it is not possible to conclude their guilt or innocence, but it is true that they are charged with responsibility.
This historical testimony does not seek to condemn anyone in advance, as that is the task of the courts of justice, but it is an unquestionable fact that regarding those not yet convicted, there is a presumption that an illicit act was committed and that the person appearing as prosecuted or convicted would bear responsibility as an author, accomplice, or accessory.
Against pacts of silence, public truth. The main reason why, after more than forty years since the BEGINNING of the dictatorship and 25 years since it ended, the wound is still open, is due to the complicit will of those who directed the organs of repression to hide or erase information that would allow for the discovery of the bodies of more than two thousand forcibly disappeared persons and the identification of those responsible for these and other serious acts of violation of the fundamental human rights of individuals.
There are civilians who participated in the planning or cover-up of the crimes. Some did so knowingly, even creating alibis to hide the truth. Others, given the status of their ministerial and other positions during the dictatorship, knew or should have known what was happening, but preferred to remain silent and thus enjoy the perks that the SYSTEM granted them.
It is also the responsibility of the courts, which in their time prioritized the formalities that "inhibited" them from investigating. The truth, as recognized by the Supreme Court, is that there was complicity.
"CONSOLIDATED LIST OF PROSECUTED, ACCUSED, AND CONVICTED PERSONS FOR HUMAN RIGHTS VIOLATIONS, AS OF JULY 28, 2015"
[List omitted for brevity in translation]
Source: Cambio21, July 28, 2015
References
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