Judge Mario Carroza issued a sentence against seven retired military officers in the framework of the Pisagua case. The retired officers were convicted for the aggravated kidnapping of three individuals and the homicide of eight others.

The 11 victims were political prisoners executed between September and October 1973, whose bodies were thrown into a mass grave, which was discovered at the beginning of the 1990s. The magistrate sentenced Sergio Benavides Villarreal and Manuel Vega Collado to life imprisonment for their responsibility as authors of the 3 counts of aggravated kidnapping and the 8 counts of aggravated homicide.

Meanwhile, Roberto Ampuero Alarcón, Gabriel Guerrero Reeve, Sergio Figueroa López, and Arturo Contador Rosales were sentenced to 15 years and one day in prison for their responsibility in the three counts of aggravated kidnapping and the aggravated homicides of victims Marcelo Guzmán Fuentes, Juan Calderón Villalón, and Luis Lizardi Lizardi.

Miguel Aguirre Álvarez was sentenced to 10 years and one day in prison for his responsibility in the three cases of aggravated kidnapping, committed starting on September 29, 1973. In the civil aspect, the State was ordered to pay a total sum of $510,000,000 for the moral damages caused to the parents, spouses, children, and siblings of the victims in amounts detailed in the sentence.

The victims are: Miguel Nash Saez, Jesús Cañas Cañas, and Juan Jiménez Vidal (aggravated kidnapping) and Marcelo Guzmán Fuentes, Juan Calderón Villalón, Luis Lizardi Lizardi, Julio Cabezas Gacitúa, Julio Córdova Croxato, Mario Morris Barrios, Humberto Lizardi Flores, and Juan Valencia Hinojosa (aggravated homicide).

Source: infogate.cl, August 17, 2016

The exorbitant fiscal expenditure on Armed Forces pensions: $3.8 trillion between 2011 and 2015

2016 marked a milestone for Codelco. It was not one of those that draws applause. For the first time in its history, and as a result of the sustained drop in the price of copper, the main state-owned company had to go into debt to meet its financial commitments.

One of these is the delivery of US$707 million to the Armed Forces—an amount recorded as of September 2016—by virtue of the Copper Law (which is no longer classified). The milestone only served to illustrate the extent to which the Copper Law has become a straitjacket for Codelco.

By forcing the copper company to hand over 10% of its sales to the Armed Forces, the State is stripped of a significant source of funding for public policies. One only needs to look at the figures to quantify the legal diversion of resources imposed under the dictatorship (by changing 10% of profits to 10% of copper sales): in 2015, some US$858 million went to the Armed Forces (see note from El Mercurio).

In addition to the cut the Armed Forces take from the State via the Copper Law, there is the other capital flight that the fiscal treasury suffers because the military was the only sector to maintain the privilege of the old pension system when the AFP (Pension Fund Administrators) came into effect in 1980.

According to information provided by Cristián Rojas, executive vice president of the National Defense Pension Fund (Capredena), to the Chamber of Deputies commission investigating irregularities in the pensions of the Armed Forces and Order, in 2015 Capredena distributed $911 billion in pensions. 94% of that figure is a fiscal contribution, and only the remaining 6% corresponds to the contributions of the military personnel.

Between 2011-2015, the State has disbursed a total of nearly $3.8 trillion (millions of millions of pesos) to support the Capredena retirement fund. The figure is equivalent to 119 Teletones (based on 2016 fundraising) or the cost of building 42 hospitals with state-of-the-art equipment, like the one inaugurated in Rancagua in April 2016 ($90 billion).

With the money of all Chileans, a system is financed that serves almost 107,000 former officials of the Armed Forces (and their families through pensions and survivor benefits). All of them enjoy privileges that expose the shortcomings of the individual capitalization system that governs the rest of the population, where as of November of this year, the average old-age pension does not exceed $192,000, according to the Superintendence of Pensions (see here).

CIPER had access to the payroll of former officers of the Army, Navy, and Air Force (FACH) who retired in the 2006-2016 period and who receive Capredena pensions. There are 3,090 cases that represent 13%—the highest echelon—of the beneficiaries of this system.

The average pension for Armed Forces officers is close to $2.3 million. On the list of retired officers from Capredena, 17 former members of the Armed Forces stand out with pensions over $4 million. The highest corresponds to that of former FACH Brigadier General Patricio Franjola Buigley, who retired in July 2012 with a pension of $5.9 million.

Because Capredena pensions are adjusted by 100% according to the variation of the Consumer Price Index (CPI), what Franjola receives today, four and a half years after his retirement, is $6.8 million. The amount of the pensions of Armed Forces officers, in contrast to those of the civilian world, is not the only thing that stands out from the list of more than three thousand former officers reviewed by CIPER.

The enormous resources that the State injects to sustain this pension system—0.9% of the national GDP in 2012, according to the Bravo Commission—are also destined to cover millionaire pensions for former military personnel convicted of or currently being prosecuted for human rights violations and various types of fraud.

The average monthly pension received by this group of 38 retired military personnel amounts to $2.7 million. In the more than three thousand cases reviewed, there appear, for example, high-ranking officers convicted of homicide and aggravated kidnapping at the Pisagua Prisoner Camp; a lieutenant colonel subjected to a double trial for the aggravated homicide of five MIR leaders on Janequeo and Fuente Ovejuna streets; a colonel involved in the disappearance of 14 peasants in Paine, another in the murder of singer-songwriter Víctor Jara, and a third in the brutal attack against Rodrigo Rojas de Negri and Carmen Gloria Quintana (“Caso Quemados”). Also appearing is a doctor and colonel—subjected to prosecution in 2002—accused of monitoring torture and drugging prisoners whose whereabouts remain unknown; private secretaries of Pinochet convicted of embezzlement of public funds in the “Riggs Case”; a dozen military personnel involved in acts of corruption such as the “Frigates Case,” the “Mirage Case,” or “Milicogate”; and even a captain who became one of the biggest drug trafficking kingpins in Chile. According to CIPER's calculations, the annual amount of pensions paid by Capredena to these 38 military personnel involved in illicit acts who retired between 2006 and 2016 amounts to more than $1.2 billion. In the list of these pensioners, CIPER also identified more than 20 former agents of the National Intelligence Directorate (DINA) and the National Intelligence Center (CNI), repressive agencies of Augusto Pinochet's regime. Their pensions reach an average of $2.5 million. The serious matter is that some remain linked to the Armed Forces, mainly in educational roles in different Army units. CIPER's investigation detected at least half a dozen former CNI and DINA agents who are re-hired at the War Academy and also at the Military School as Contract Personnel (PAC) or Civilian Professors (PC). This means that all of them receive significant remuneration in addition to their pensions. An internal Army document obtained by CIPER shows that a retired military officer with the rank of general can receive $2.5 million if re-hired to perform duties as a PAC in the institution. An amount that is added to their retirement, which for retired generals averages over $3.2 million.

PENSIONS AND HUMAN RIGHTS

Between late September 1973 and June 1974, 26 people were executed at the Pisagua Prisoner Camp (Tarapacá Region). Among them was the young conscript and PC militant, Miguel Nash Sáez, who refused to repress the population and was riddled with bullets in the back.

His body has still not been found. In January 2009, retired Army Colonel Roberto Ampuero Alarcón was prosecuted as a co-author of the kidnapping and aggravated homicide of Nash and other Pisagua prisoners.

Ampuero had retired 10 months earlier, in March 2008, with a pension of $2.6 million. In August 2016, Ampuero was sentenced to 15 years and one day of major imprisonment in its maximum degree, as the author of the repeated crime of aggravated kidnapping of Nash, Jesús Cañas Cañas, and Juan Jiménez Vidal.

Also as the author of the aggravated homicide of Marcelo Guzmán Fuentes, Juan Calderón Villalón, and Luis Alberto Lizardi Lizardi. To date, Ampuero's adjusted pension is close to $3.6 million. Retired Colonel Gabriel Guerrero Reeve was also involved in those crimes; he retired in January 2010 with a pension of $2.1 million.

Guerrero, also sentenced last August to 15 years and one day, receives a pension today of almost $2.6 million. On December 26, the case in which Ampuero and Guerrero are involved was elevated to the Santiago Court of Appeals for review.

In August 2016, retired Army Colonel Pedro Collado Martí was sentenced as the author of the aggravated kidnapping of socialist militants Jorge Marín Rossel and Williams Millar Sanhueza, both detained in September 1973 in Iquique.

Collado, prosecuted in 2008 and sentenced to 10 years and one day, receives a pension of $2.6 million. Currently, the court is finalizing the notification of the ruling to those convicted in this case.

Retired Colonel Carlos Durán Low was sentenced in February 2016, along with five other former CNI agents, to 10 years and one day of major imprisonment in its medium degree for the aggravated homicide of professor and MIR member Federico Álvarez Santibáñez in September 1979 in Santiago.

Durán retired in March 2007 and today receives a pension of $2.5 million. In April 2016, the ruling was appealed, and the Court ordered new proceedings. Retired General and former member of the Army Intelligence Battalion (BIE), Julio Cerda Carrasco, was sentenced to five years and one day as an accomplice to the aggravated kidnappings of five members of the Manuel Rodríguez Patriotic Front (FPMR) perpetrated in September 1987.

Cerda, prosecuted since May 2007, retired in March of that same year and today enjoys a pension of $3.1 million. The sentence in this case—in which 33 former CNI agents are involved—was ratified by the Court of Appeals in June 2015 and is currently before the highest court.

Retired Army Colonel Osvaldo Andrés Magaña Bau was subjected to prosecution in July 2015 for the aggravated kidnapping of 14 peasants from the Villa el Escorial settlement in Paine, all of whom were executed between September and October 1973 (Cuesta Chada).

The colonel retired in February 2007 and today has a pension of $2.6 million. This figure is similar to the pension received by retired Army Colonel Jorge Smith Gumucio, accused in July 2015 of being one of the authors of the kidnapping and aggravated homicide of Víctor Jara and former Gendarmerie director Littré Quiroga.

It was in 2015 that the justice system prosecuted active-duty Colonel Julio Castañer González for his alleged responsibility in the death of photographer Rodrigo Rojas de Negri and for the serious injuries suffered by Carmen Gloria Quintana after they were burned alive in July 1986 in Santiago.

Castañer was accused by a former conscript of being the one who set fire to the bodies of De Negri and Quintana after they were doused with gasoline. The colonel retired in January 2016 with a pension of $2.8 million.

In October 2016, the defense attorneys for the accused requested the dismissal of the case, which was denied. New proceedings were also ordered. Doctor and retired Aviation Colonel Alejandro Forero Álvarez has had a brilliant career as a cardiologist at Clínica Indisa.

His record has a black mark. He is accused of being one of the doctors who provided services to the so-called “Joint Command,” supervising torture and drugging prisoners who are now forcibly disappeared.

Forero was subjected to prosecution in 2002 along with about twenty members of that repressive organization for illicit association and the illegal detention of communist militant Víctor Vega Riquelme (January 1976).

In May 2002, the justice system revoked those prosecutions, not because they were innocent, but because the crimes had expired. Forero retired in August 2014 and today receives a pension of $2.5 million.

On the list of Capredena pensioners obtained by CIPER, retired Army General Víctor Lizárraga Arias also appears, an important BIE officer. In 2010, he was convicted of being part of the illicit association that participated in the murder of the colonel and then-head of acquisitions of the Army Logistics Directorate, Gerardo Huber (1992).

On November 18, Lizárraga—who today receives a pension of $3.1 million—was sentenced to 205 days of effective prison as the author of five repeated crimes of bribery in the so-called “Frigates Case.” Lizárraga was accused of bribing a Korean public official so that the arms brokerage firm the officer represented would obtain commissions for sales of war devices to the Army.

The illicit acts were committed between 2007 and 2008, when the general was already being prosecuted for the Huber crime.

FROM THE MIRAGE CASE TO MILICOGATE

Retired FACH General Florencio Dublé Pizarro was prosecuted at the beginning of 2009 as an accomplice to the embezzlement of public funds in the controversial trial over bribes in the purchase of 25 Mirage aircraft.

The investigation by Judge Omar Astudillo determined that US$15 million had allegedly been allocated in the transaction for the payment of illicit commissions and that Dublé received at least one bank transfer for US$60,000.

Florencio Dublé retired in December 2006 and today receives a pension of $3.1 million. The sentence in the case should be known in the coming days. The name of retired Army Colonel Clovis Montero Barra came to the fore in March 2015 after the latest of the great scandals within the Army broke out: the fraud of almost $5.5 billion perpetrated by military personnel with Copper Law funds (“Milicogate”).

In February 2016, Montero was prosecuted by Judge Omar Astudillo as the author of the repeated crime of fraud against the State and document forgery. Montero is also being sued by the Internal Revenue Service (SII) for tax crimes.

The colonel—who retired in May 2015 and receives a pension of $2.5 million—is accused of obtaining more than 160 invoices from a supplier for nearly $980 million for non-existent services or acquisitions.

In this same case, retired Colonel Jorge Frez Ramírez is being prosecuted; he served as head of the Army Treasury Finance Department. It was Montero himself who declared that Frez knew of the falsity of the documents, also accusing him of receiving money for the processing and payment of the false invoices.

Frez—who is imprisoned at the Military Police Regiment No. 1 in Peñalolén—retired in February 2015 with a pension of $2.5 million. In the payroll to which CIPER had access, there also appear two high-ranking officers convicted in one of the branches of the “Riggs Case” (the ruling is under appeal).

They are two of the officers who were private secretaries to Augusto Pinochet: retired Colonels Gabriel Vergara Cifuentes and Juan Mac-Lean Vergara, both convicted in the first instance to four years of supervised release for embezzlement of public funds.

Mac-Lean retired in April 2009 and today receives a $2.9 million pension. Vergara, meanwhile, retired in July 2011, and his pension amounts to $2.6 million. In July 2009, retired Frigate Captain Jesús Sáez Luna retired and today receives a pension of $2.1 million.

Three years later, 150 kilos of cocaine and base paste were seized from Sáez at a residence in Valparaíso. The Prosecutor's Office established that Sáez was the operational head of the gang: “He is the highest-ranking defendant we have managed to capture, because the subject was a true mafia boss,” noted the prosecutor in charge of the investigation.

Sáez's departure from the Navy was not with honors. Shortly before his retirement, he was accused of stealing a hyperbaric chamber.

THE SHADOW OF THE DICTATORSHIP

In December 2006, Army General Ricardo Hargreaves Butrón was discharged from the institution. In the middle of that month, days after the death of Augusto Pinochet, in an interview with the Prensa Austral of Punta Arenas, Hargreaves (Commander-in-Chief of the V Division, Magallanes Region) referred to the dictator in the following terms: “I was a participant in Pinochet's cause and I continue to share it (...) we owe him many things, not only as an Army, but as a country.” The Commander-in-Chief of the Army at the time, Óscar Izurieta, asked for his resignation.

It was a clear sign of the new times that were running in the military institution, which was reinforced in 2009 when Izurieta terminated the fee-based contracts held by a group of former DINA and CNI agents involved in human rights trials.

There was talk then of a cleanup within the institution. But Hargreaves' discharge did not mean his exit from the Army. He remained linked to the institution as Corporate Affairs Manager of the Army's Factory and Arsenals of Chile, FAMAE, and also as a professor at the Military School.

According to the Capredena payroll, Hargreaves retired only in August 2014 and today receives a pension of $3.5 million. To that amount are added his fees for academic work. At least until November of last year, the retired general was president of the Center for Professors of the Military School.

UNDER THE SHELTER OF THE ACADEMY

The Army War Academy is also a refuge for many military personnel who, once retired, remain linked to the institution as Contract Personnel (PAC) or Civilian Professor (PC). This allows them to add regular income to their pensions or even, after at least three years of service, to recalculate their pensions upward.

A classified Army document to which CIPER had access indicates that a retired officer with the rank of colonel or general hired as a PAC can earn between $1.5 million and $2.5 million per month. For brigadier generals, the salary as a PAC, apart from the retirement they receive, reaches $2,526,910.

That of a colonel, lieutenant colonel, or major reaches $1,458,112 (see document). A former civilian Army official who requested anonymity defined the War Academy as a “paybox for favors” and as a “protection network” among former military personnel. “There are retired military personnel hired as PACs at the War Academy for administrative tasks who also teach classes and have contracts as civilian professors (PC) for up to 12 hours.

It is impossible for them to fulfill the functions of both contracts. The control system is a signature book that no one audits,” a former military officer who knows how the War Academy operates told CIPER.

Another military officer told CIPER that both at the War Academy and at the Military School, former officers linked to the dictatorship's repressive agencies still teach classes or perform administrative tasks (as PCs and PACs), several of whom enjoy succulent pensions.

CIPER's investigation detected at least half a dozen former military personnel in that situation on the official payrolls. One of them is retired Colonel Rodolfo Ortega Prado, who was head of the CNI in Punta Arenas between 1985 and 1989 (he used the alias “Rodrigo”).

On February 29, 2004, La Nación Domingo published a report titled “A CNI in Madrid.” In it, Ortega appears involved in the 1988 death of 23-year-old socialist Susana Ovando Coñué in Punta Arenas. When the report appeared, in which it is said that at least 10 former CNI agents identified him as their boss in Punta Arenas the same year of Ovando's murder, Ortega was Chile's military attaché at the embassy in Madrid.

In March 2004, the retired colonel appeared before the justice system as a witness for this case. This was the version the colonel gave to La Nación regarding the death of Susana Ovando: “The CNI in Punta Arenas was a minimal office in charge of administrative matters, without operational capacity to detain.

In the period that I was head of the CNI in Punta Arenas, no one was ever detained.” Ortega retired in February 2007 and his pension amounts to almost $2.6 million. But the former head of the CNI in Punta Arenas has remained linked to the Army, receiving other high fees.

He is the director of the Master's in Military History and Strategic Thought at the War Academy. CIPER had access to the payroll of academics who will teach subjects at the War Academy in 2017. In that Excel spreadsheet, the names of the professors, the modules, and the academic hours contemplated for each course appear.

There, retired Colonel Ortega—who holds a doctorate from the Complutense University of Madrid—appears as a professor in the subjects of “JGS Execution (War Games)” and “Geostrategy,” which are taught in the modules “Command and Advisory II,” “Command and Advisory III,” and “Strategy II.” Another former CNI agent who also appears on the War Academy's list of professors for 2017 is the former Chief of the Army General Staff, General Guillermo Castro Muñoz: as a Civilian Professor (PC) in tasks of “research and publication.” Castro is also president of the War Academy Graduates Center.

General Castro belonged to the National Intelligence Center between 1979 and 1982. He himself acknowledged this in a 2003 judicial statement (as a witness) in the trial for the massacre of 22 peasants in Paine (October 1973).

In January 2008, Castro gave a second statement in which he admitted that he was part of a rifle company at the “Cuartel Dos” of the San Bernardo Infantry School, used as a detention center (Cerro Chena), a unit that participated in the murders of the 22 peasants.

And he stated that he never saw detainees at that barracks and that he only found out later through the press that there were. General Castro has not been prosecuted by the justice system. In June 2015, Colonel Carl Marowski Pilowsky retired; he appears on the list of CNI members that the Army sent to the current Supreme Court Justice, Sergio Muñoz, when he was investigating the Tucapel Jiménez crime.

There are several tasks that Marowski currently continues to perform in the Army and that allow him to inflate his $2.8 million pension. Sources consulted by CIPER indicated that the retired colonel is allegedly hired as a PAC in the Army's Education and Doctrine Command (Education Division).

Marowski also serves as an academic for the Diploma in Military Higher Education at the War Academy and appears on the 2017 payroll as a “Civilian Professor” (PC) with tasks of “research and publication.” In September 2016, Carl Marowski attended the Defense Commission of the Chamber of Deputies.

He did so in his capacity as “secretary general of the War Academy.” Another of the retired military personnel linked to the War Academy who belonged to Pinochet's escort group that gave rise to the DINA's Mulchén Brigade is retired General Eduardo Ludovico Aldunate Hermann.

On the 2017 list of professors, Aldunate—who retired in July 2009 and today receives a pension of $3 million—appears with fees for “strategic research” tasks. Aldunate was also head of the Chilean troops in Haiti before retiring.

Retired Colonel José Francisco Enberg Castro also joined the CNI. He retired in February 2014 and currently receives a pension of $2.8 million. On the list of subjects that the War Academy will teach in 2017, Enberg appears as a “Civilian Professor” (PC) in “teaching management.” In June 2013, a list with 1,500 military and civilian former DINA agents was leaked to the press.

On that list appears the name of retired General Enrique Slater Escanilla, who retired in September 2010. In a note published on the Military School's website in October 2015, Slater appears as a Civilian Professor (he has been teaching at the Military School for more than 10 years) and also as head of the institution's Academic Department.

Slater, whose pension is today $3.2 million, also appears as an advisor (between March and August 2016) to the Army's Education Division. His task: “to provide axiology advice for the drafting of the Ethos regulation of the Chilean Army.”

Source: ciperchile.cl, January 16, 2017

Santiago Court confirms ruling convicting retired Army members for kidnappings and homicides in Pisagua.

The appellate court ratified the resolution that sentenced Sergio Benavides Villarreal and Manuel Vega Collado to life imprisonment as authors of the three aggravated kidnappings and eight aggravated homicides.

In a unanimous ruling, the Santiago Court of Appeals confirmed the sentence that convicted seven retired Army members for their responsibility in the crimes of aggravated kidnapping of Miguel Selín Nash Sáez, Jesús Nolberto Cañas Cañas, and Juan Jiménez Vidal; and in the aggravated homicide of Marcelo Guzmán Fuentes, Juan Calderón Villalón, Luis Lizardi Lizardi, Julio Cabezas Gacitúa, Julio Córdova Croxato, Mario Morris Barrios, Humberto Lizardi Flores, and Juan Valencia Hinojosa, political prisoners admitted to the Pisagua Detention Center in September and October 1973.

The appellate court ratified the resolution that sentenced Sergio Benavides Villarreal and Manuel Vega Collado to life imprisonment as authors of the three aggravated kidnappings and eight aggravated homicides.

For their part, Roberto Antonio Ampuero Alarcón, Gabriel Alfonso Guerrero Reeve, and Arturo Alberto Contador Rosales must serve single sentences of 10 years in prison as co-authors of the repeated crimes of aggravated kidnapping of Miguel Selin Nash Sáez, Jesús Nolberto Cañas Cañas, and Juan Jiménez Vidal, and as co-authors of the repeated crimes of aggravated homicide of Marcelo Omar Guzmán Fuentes, Juan Calderón Villalón, and Luis Alberto Lizardi Lizardi.

Meanwhile, Sergio Eduardo Figueroa López was sentenced to a single penalty of 12 years in prison as the author of the crimes, and the court confirmed the sentence of 10 years and one day in prison that Miguel Aguirre Álvarez must serve for his responsibility in the three aggravated kidnappings.

During the investigation stage, the visiting judge Mario Carroza managed to determine the following facts: That after September 11, 1973, a permanent repression operation against militants and sympathizers of the parties of the deposed government was installed at the headquarters of the Sixth Army Division, under the command of General Carlos Forestier Haenseng (deceased), under the name CIRE, which acted by order and guidance of the military prosecutor of the time, Mario Acuña Riquelme (deceased); Those who responded to calls made through military decrees or who were detained in raids were taken to the headquarters of the Sixth Army Division, from where they were referred to the Telecommunications Regiment of the city of Iquique, where they were subjected to interrogations under physical duress by orders given by Commander Forestier or military prosecutor Acuña; The detainees from the Telecommunications Regiment were taken to the Pisagua Prisoner Camp where, again, they were subjected to beatings to “soften them up” and were forced to sign blank documents that were taken to military prosecutor Acuña “with the sole purpose of justifying fallacious accusations before simulated War Councils and being able to request in them sentences such as the death penalty,” which once imposed was executed within the following 24 hours by firing squad; Within this mode of operation, on September 19, 1973, in the morning hours, Juan Calderón Villalón, Luis Alberto Lizardi Lizardi, Marcelo Omar Guzmán Fuentes, Juan Jiménez Vidal, Jesús Nolberto Cañas, and Michel Selin Nash Sáez were taken from their cells at the Pisagua Prisoner Camp and executed in the vicinity of the prisoner camp under the pretext that they had attempted to escape while being transported out of the place. The bodies were wrapped in burlap and then buried in a grave in the Atacama Desert. Subsequently, in mid-1990, the remains of Calderón Villalón, Lizardi Lizardi, and Marcelo Guzmán Fuentes were found, but no information was found on the bodies of Juan Jiménez Vidal, Jesús Nolberto Cañas, and Michel Nash Sáez, who currently remain forcibly disappeared; Meanwhile, on October 11, 1973, prisoners Julio Cabezas Gacitúa, Juan Valencia Hinojosa, Mario Morris Barrios, José Córdova Croxato, and José Humberto Lizardi Flores were taken from their cells and executed in a place near the cemetery with their eyes blindfolded and their hands tied, outside of all legality, a death that was verified by a doctor, and in the event that they survived, they were finished off with a coup de grâce; after that, their bodies were wrapped in burlap and buried in a mass grave. In the civil aspect, the ruling ordered the State of Chile to pay, for moral damages, a total sum of $510,000,000 to the parents, spouses, children, and siblings of the victims.

Source: diarioconstitucional.cl, April 2, 2018