Fernando Guillermo Silva Camus, 60 years old, married, father of two, interior decorator, linked to the MIR, was detained at his home on November 27, 1974, at approximately 11:30 PM by agents of the National Intelligence Directorate (DINA). The previous day, his son, Claudio Guillermo Silva Peralta, a militant of the MIR, had been detained on a public street.

The captors were four armed civilians, three men and one woman, who entered the victim's home at Av. Italia 1794, Santiago, and proceeded to interrogate him regarding his work activities and to review documentation related to orders and client information.

Mr. Fernando Silva worked as an interior decorator, and part of his work was performed at his home.

The interrogation, directed at both the victim and his spouse, Mrs. María Peralta, concerned the clients he had served after September 11, 1973, requesting physical descriptions of them, as they were apparently searching for a specific person.

Given that the answers did not seem to satisfy their demands, they proceeded to take the victim into custody, allowing him to get dressed and assuring Mrs. Peralta that he would be released in half an hour. They took the detainee away in a light yellow station wagon.

From that moment until today, Mrs. María Peralta has not seen her husband again.

On November 28, the agents returned to the victim's home and told Mrs. Peralta that she should cooperate with them because her husband refused to provide the information they needed, and that if she did not, the only ones who would suffer would be her husband and the family.

According to witness statements, the victim was taken to the torture center known as Villa Grimaldi, located in Peñalolén, at Calle José Arrieta 8.200, in the commune of La Reina, where he remained until November 28 or 29, the date on which he was removed from that location by DINA agents, and all contact with him was lost.

Luis Alfredo Muñoz González, who remained detained at Villa Grimaldi from December 10 until February 1, 1975, stated in a sworn declaration on December 6, 1976, that the day after being tortured and while in a cell with other detainees, "I was able to recognize Claudio Silva Peralta, Guillermo Silva Camus, and Luis Palominos Rojas, who appeared physically well, even though it could be seen that they had been subjected to duress."

"On December 24, Guillermo Silva Camus, Washington Cid, and Luis Palominos Rojas were taken from the place and I did not see them again."

For her part, another detainee from this period who was held in the same place, Sonia Elena Bascuñán Saavedra, declared: "I estimate that on November 27 a group of detainees arrived, among them a man of about 60 years of age, approximately, of medium height, black hair, somewhat gray at the temples, who was introduced by Romo into the women's room with the purpose, he said, 'so that he could not communicate at any time with his son.' He looked quite nervous, but he tried to encourage us detainees."

"After several hours, three men arrived who claimed to be doctors, escorted by a large group of DINA agents. They examined the detainees, especially Cecilia Castro, who had her right breast completely destroyed as a result of the torture.

Several male detainees who were in poor condition were also brought into the women's cell to be examined. Even though we were blindfolded, we could see quite a bit of what was happening. The older man who was with us earlier recognized another of the detainees as his son.

He was blond, tall, with curly hair, and was very pale. His father urged the agents not to mistreat his son, as he had suffered an accident some time ago and had had a bullet lodged in his head ever since. The medical examination was very brief and superficial, taking no more than 15 minutes. Then, the other men were returned to their cell."

"A while later, Romo and another agent with a deep voice, whom they called 'The Captain,' interrogated the older man, requesting information from him. There was a heated exchange of words between them, as a result of which he was pushed, called an 'old bastard,' and told that he needed 'treatment.' He was then taken out of the women's cell, and he did not return there."

"I was able to hear the agents refer to the older man several times as 'the father of the Condoro' and to his son as the 'Condoro'."

"On November 28 or 29, I was transferred from 'Villa Grimaldi.' I was placed in the back of a pickup truck, along with María Antonieta Castro and several men. At the end, closer to the exit, was the 'father of the Condoro.' One of the agents driving us said that they had to stop on the way, 'to dump the old man'."

"Indeed, the truck stopped once on the road, and they made one person get out, whom I could not distinguish. The rest of us detainees arrived at another place, which I later learned was the 'Cuatro Alamos' camp. There I realized that the older detainee had not arrived with the rest."

Finally, the witness establishes: "...I declare that the people who appear in the photographs below are the same ones who were detained with me on the indicated dates..." and "I declare without any risk of being wrong that they correspond... to Fernando Silva Camus and... to Claudio Silva Peralta."

This information corresponds to a sworn statement made on October 29, 1976, before notary Demetrio Gutiérrez. There is also a statement from this witness in the corresponding criminal case.

Cristián Mallol Comandari, in a sworn statement before a notary on September 14, 1990, declares that: "On the other hand, I also remember that the father of the person I mention as 'El Condoro' was there, named Fernando Silva Camus, whom I have recognized from photos as a person who is forcibly disappeared, just like his son." Mallol was detained between December 7, 1974, and November 1976 and remained in several prisoner camps and at the Villa Grimaldi torture center.

The name of Fernando Silva Camus, like that of his son Claudio Silva Peralta, appears on the list of 119 people allegedly killed in Salta, Argentina, in clashes with the Argentine armed forces. This information was disseminated in the newspaper "O'Dia" of Curitiba, Brazil, and LEA of Argentina, which had no editor or responsible address and appeared in that issue exclusively.

This information has not been confirmed by any of the mentioned governments, and the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Chile, in a statement sent to the Criminal Courts, could not officially confirm these facts and implicitly did not grant them credibility. The 119 names corresponded to people detained by Chilean security services, all of whom were forcibly disappeared.

Judicial and/or Administrative Actions

On November 28, 1974, a writ of amparo (habeas corpus) was filed on behalf of the victim and his son, Claudio Guillermo Silva Peralta, which was registered under number 1.484-74 at the Santiago Court of Appeals.

On May 24, 1975, the writ of amparo was rejected. After making inquiries to the involved agencies and receiving their refusal to acknowledge the detention, the records were sent to the Sixth Criminal Court of Greater Santiago, which initiated a summary investigation into the disappearance of the victims, registered under number 91.412.

Subsequently, a lawsuit for the kidnapping of the father and son was filed, which was consolidated with the pending case.

On March 18, 1976, the case was temporarily dismissed and sent for review. On September 28 of that same year, a request was made to reopen the case and summon new witnesses. On October 4, 1976, the case was reopened, and witness Angeles Alvarez, as well as detainee Luis Alfredo Muñoz González, were summoned to appear.

The testimonies of these individuals, along with those of Sonia Elena Bascuñán and Guillermo Segundo Cornejo Díaz, confirm the detention of both victims at Villa Grimaldi.

On April 29, 1977, a document was filed requesting the search for the case file, which was found to be missing.

On May 19, 1977, official letters were reiterated to authorities to respond regarding the fate of the victim, and the request for an authorized photocopy of the file was declared inadmissible, though it was finally authorized.

In May 1981, the case that had been dismissed was reopened, and a series of investigative steps were ordered regarding the identification of the disappeared, vehicle license plates, an official letter to the Ministry of the Interior, interviews with the plaintiffs, etc.

On January 18, 1977, this case was presented to the Andean Commission of Jurists.

The Inter-American Commission on Human Rights of the OAS consulted the government of Chile regarding the disappearance of Fernando Guillermo Silva Camus and his son, Claudio Silva Peralta. The response denied any responsibility of the Chilean military government in the following terms: "Fernando Guillermo Silva Camus and Claudio Guillermo Silva Peralta have no records of being or having been detained in Chile.

Furthermore, all of them appear on the list of 119 extremists killed in Argentina in clashes with the Security Forces of that country or in internal struggles among themselves. Said lists were published in July 1975 by the weekly Lea and the newspaper 'O Dia', Argentine and Brazilian respectively."

This response was transcribed by Emilio Castañón Pasquel, Executive Secretary of the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights of the Organization of American States, on November 10, 1976, in a letter addressed to Mrs. María Peralta Zamorano.

Consequently, the response referred to the aforementioned publications of the magazine LEA and O'DIA, despite the fact that these publications had been described as "another cunning way of attacking us, always seeking to cause damage and a bad image of Chile," as declared by General Pinochet to El Mercurio, which published this on August 21, 1975.

In addition, the case was presented to the Red Cross, and inquiries and investigations were made before the National Secretariat of Detainees (SENDET), the Ministry of Defense, the Tres Alamos Prisoner Camp, the Public Jail, the FACH Prosecutor's Office, etc., without obtaining any results.

Regarding the inquiry directed by Mrs. María Peralta Zamorano, wife and mother of the victims, to the Chief of the State of Siege Zone of the Province of Santiago, Colonel Hernán Ramírez Ramírez, he responded on January 22, 1975, that "An investigation was carried out in all the agencies dependent on this Headquarters, and it was determined that in none of them are there records of her husband and son."

To date, the fate of the forcibly disappeared persons, Mr. Fernando Guillermo Silva Camus and his son Claudio Silva Peralta, remains unknown.

Osvaldo Romo Mena, the DINA agent who took Fernando Silva to the Villa Grimaldi facility, was arrested on November 16, 1992. Since 1975, when he had been summoned by several courts handling human rights violation cases, he had remained in hiding in Brazil.

The DINA had provided him with, among other means, false identity documents. The aforementioned agent, linked to dozens of detentions involving the disappearance of MIR militants, was located after several investigative steps ordered in the case regarding the disappearance of Alfonso Chanfreau Oyarce.

Since his arrest, he has testified in several trials regarding forcibly disappeared persons, and as of December 1992, he had been indicted in six of them. Furthermore, the background information was being studied to file a lawsuit for the victim and his son.

Source: Vicariate of Solidarity

Visiting Judge Alejandro Solís imposed the first-instance conviction in the investigation into the qualified kidnappings of Fernando Silva Camus and Claudio Silva Peralta, father and son respectively, which occurred starting September 26 and 27, 1974, in the Metropolitan Region. Likewise, the magistrate determined the following sentences:

• Pedro Espinoza Bravo: 10 years and one day in prison for his responsibility as a perpetrator.
• Marcelo Moren Brito: 10 years and one day in prison for his responsibility as a perpetrator.
• Basclay Zapata Reyes: 10 years and one day in prison for his responsibility as a perpetrator.
• Palmira Almuna Guzmán: 3 years and one day in prison for her responsibility as an accomplice. She was granted the benefit of supervised release.

Equally, in the civil aspect, it was established that those convicted as perpetrators must jointly pay $100,000,000 (one hundred million pesos) to María Inés Peralta Zamorano and $50,000,000 (fifty million pesos) to Regina Lazo Dinamarca.

Meanwhile, the convicted Almuna Guzmán must pay $5,000,000 (five million pesos) to Regina Lazo Dinamarca. Furthermore, the lawsuit against the Chilean Treasury was dismissed, accepting the court's exception of incompetence.

Fernando Guillermo Silva Camus, 60 years old, married, father of two, interior decorator, linked to the MIR, was detained at his home on November 27, 1974, at approximately 11:30 PM by agents of the National Intelligence Directorate (DINA). The previous day, his son, Claudio Guillermo Silva Peralta, a militant of the MIR, had been detained on a public street.

Source: Tuesday, March 24, 2009, El Mostrador

Date: 03-24-2009

Villa Grimaldi Case: Bail granted to four former military officers

The Fourth Chamber of the Santiago Court of Appeals, in a unanimous vote, granted release, upon payment of 500,000 pesos, to four retired Army officers whom Judge Alejandro Solís had indicted for the qualified kidnapping of eight dissidents to the military regime, within the framework of the "Villa Grimaldi" case investigation.

They are former members of the dissolved DINA, retired Generals Hernán Ramírez Hald and Cesar Manríquez, and retired Brigadiers Gerardo Urrich and Manuel Carevic, who have been held at the Peñalolén Military Police Battalion since last Monday.

The appellate court was composed of magistrates Alfredo Pfeiffer, Humberto Provoste, and the participating lawyer Ángela Radovic. Magistrate Solís adopted the resolutions based on the disappearances of Rodolfo González Pérez (July 24, 1974); Fernando Silva Camus (November 27, 1974); Anselmo Radrigán Plaza (December 12, 1974); Marcelo Salinas Eitel (October 21, 1974); José Orlando Flores Araya (August 23, 1974); Maria Teresa Bustillos Cereceda (December 9, 1974); Jaime Robotham (December 31, 1974); and Rafael Araneda Yévenes (December 12, 1974).

Source: August 12, 2005, La Nacion

Date: 08-12-2005

Judge issues 14 indictments for qualified kidnappings at Villa Grimaldi

A total of fourteen former agents of the military regime were indicted for the crime of qualified kidnapping, within the framework of human rights violations committed at the Villa Grimaldi detention center in the Metropolitan Region.

The resolution was adopted this Monday by visiting judge Alejandro Solís, within the framework of the investigation he is conducting into the disappearance of eight people inside Villa Grimaldi between July and December 1974.

The list of those indicted is headed by Generals (R) Manuel Contreras, who was the head of the dissolved National Intelligence Directorate (DINA), Hernán Ramírez Hald, and César Manríquez, the latter a former Undersecretary of War of the military regime.

Also indicted were Brigadiers (R) Pedro Espinoza, Miguel Krassnoff, and Fernando Laureani; Colonels (R) Marcelo Morén Brito, Haroldo Latorre, Rolf Wenderoth, and Gerardo Urrich; Captain (R) Manuel Carevic; and Corporal (R) Basclay Zapata, all from the Army.

Likewise, the magistrate brought charges against the civilian Osvaldo Romo Mena and retired Gendarmerie Sub-lieutenant Osvaldo Manzo. All were indicted for the disappearances of Rodolfo Valentín González Pérez, a former FACH conscript, Fernando Silva Camus, Anselmo Radrigán Plaza, Marcela Salinas Eithel (should read Marcelo Salinas Eytel), José Flores Araya, María Teresa Bustillos Cereceda, Rafael Araneda Yévenes, and Jaime Robotham Bravo.

Magistrate Solís ordered that Carevic, Ramírez Hald, and Urrich remain in preventive detention at the Cordillera Prison, while no precautionary measures were decreed against the rest, as they were already enjoying conditional release or are serving sentences for other crimes.

According to the Rettig and Valech reports, which have documented the human rights violations committed in Chile, Villa Grimaldi—also known as Cuartel Terranova—was the most important secret detention and torture center of the DINA.

This Monday's resolution is the second of importance regarding the investigation into the abuses committed at Villa Grimaldi. Previously, Judge Solís indicted eight former military officers for illegal duress against 22 people who were held at said facility.

The aforementioned ruling also affected Contreras, Morén Brito, Espinoza Bravo, Krassnoff Martchenko, Romo Mena, Zapata Reyes, and Laurani Maturana, to which Maximiliano Ferrer Lima and Gerardo Godoy García were also added.

The former head of the DINA, along with Krasnoff, Moren Brito, and Laureani, are serving sentences for the qualified kidnapping of the Revolutionary Left Movement (MIR) militant Miguel Ángel Sandoval.

Source: August 8, 2005 – La Nacion

Date: 08-08-2005

DINA leadership indicted for kidnapping of decorator

Special judge Alejandro Solís, with exclusive dedication to human rights cases, today submitted the leadership of the former National Intelligence Directorate (DINA) to trial for the disappearance of a decorator in 1974.

The magistrate indicted the former head of the DINA, Manuel Contreras, Brigadier (r) Miguel Krasnoff, Colonel (r) Marcelo Moren Brito, and Sub-officer (r) Basclay Zapata. The magistrate's resolution also includes the civilian Osvaldo Romo Mena.

This is the case of the kidnapping of the decorator Fernando Silva Camus, arrested by four DINA agents on November 27, 1974, one day after his son, Claudio Silva Peralta, who was a militant of the MIR, disappeared.

The captors entered the victim's home, proceeding to interrogate him about his work activities and to review documentation related to orders and client information, according to the Memoriaviva website. The following day he was sent to Villa Grimaldi, the place where he was last seen alive.

Source: June 12, 2003, El Mostrador

Date: 06-12-2003

REFLECTIONS OF IMPOTENCE: Message from his son

My name is Claudio Silva, I am the son and grandson of forcibly disappeared persons. This text is an attempt to make known the impotence and shame that the events that occurred yesterday cause me. As a relative of people who were detained, tortured, abused, and humiliated, I loudly demand truth and justice.

As a man, I cry out for freedom and struggle. What you will read below is a personal reflection, which I hope contributes to those who take on the task of reviewing my message. Especially for those from abroad who seek to know the feelings that this series of regrettable and shameful arrangements that have occurred in Chile provoke, especially in those of us who still believe and fight, but also that we are not trapped in political networks, nor in the middle of arrangements with power groups.

Impotence and shame, indignation and realism. What more can one feel after the shameful events of the first days of March 2000. I say this as a relative of a forcibly disappeared person, but also as a person who believes in justice, as an individual who dreams of the truth, and a man who lives in the struggle.

It is not just that a judicial process is ridiculed, the trust of the people is mocked, medical reports are manipulated, but they also laugh at those of us who have suffered for 28 years. And we have not suffered out of attachment to an ideology (although that is also the case), but for seeing every international, constitutional, and human right that belongs to us inalienably trampled upon.

They laugh at our right to complain, our option to ask for justice, our space to believe in the truth, our strength to ask for what is fair. We have seen the mobilization of enormous forces over our bodies and those of the fallen.

The murderous militia moves, the proud collaborators, the economic powers committed (and benefited by and from the dictatorship), the politicians who defended a de facto regime for 17 years and who now profit from "democracy," the fanatics committed from money, the fascists who share purposes and ideas, the economists perpetuated in their power, the government of the day that can only be established based on the compromise and approval of the factual estates.

This is the Chile of the 21st century. Full of lies, conspiracies, and arrangements. Lies for the people and for the international community, born from a corrupt, anti-democratic, and repressive government.

Conspiracies to maintain the state "balance," the distribution of power and wealth. Arrangements to undermine the strength of those who want to fight and those who want to be informed, based on a commercial press that only responds to interests and never, ever to what corresponds to them... to deliver the truth of information, in a plural way and with social sense.

It is the country that broke its roots since September 1973, but which all the merchants of power and money rebuilt by hand. 17 years for all those who were part of, aided, defended, and advocated for the dictatorship of the murderer with the surname Pinochet.

Here are right-wing "politicians" who since then not only live well, but became rich (or can anyone explain how an Ex-Captain General has seven houses in the most luxurious neighborhoods of the cities in which they are located?

Or can anyone deny the links of the largest companies (electric, AFP, and others) with the increasingly wealthy right-wing deputies and senators?). Here, those who claimed to ask for "democracy," and only wanted to recover the privilege of appearing on television and obtaining a quota of power or money (can anyone forget Aylwin, asking the military to stage a coup in '73?

Can anyone ignore the great monetary force that, from 'exile in mansions,' concertacionista politicians have today "miraculously"? Did anyone forget Lagos, Aylwin, Frei, and others, accusing Pinochet of being a murderer before the 1988 plebiscite?).

Here we find the entire neo-political class that makes up the Concertación, the former accusers converted into representatives of the "just government," the militants of left-wing forces acting from councilorships, intendancies, municipalities, undersecretaries, and many other dependencies, who contribute 'generously' to the daily economic subsistence of this sect.

Here, those who once went out to the street to cry out for justice, those who participated in strikes, rallies, mobilizations, stoppages, and acts of force, who now sit in offices with a comfortable salary.

That even if it is only enough to survive, they have no intention of protesting, complaining, demanding, or fighting... Why bother? These are the leftists converted into social democrats, those who regret raising their voices, those who fear losing their square meter no matter how unfair it may be, that is, the mediocre, selfish, and unworthy.

Here, those who still dream of a better world but who prefer to adapt to modern dynamics. Those who left their dreams for a house, those who sold their struggle for a salary, those who changed their ideals for crumbs, those who prostituted their principles for money.

It is perhaps a moment of forced reflection, because the methods of struggle are scarce and the paths are exhausted. The dictator and murderer got away, and all of us who know the dynamics of these events (current and past) closely must recognize it.

IN CHILE HE WILL NEVER BE JUDGED, MUCH LESS SENTENCED. The force he maintains in Chile is undeniable, and it will be more so, based on the defense assured to him by the concertacionista governments (Lagos' included), the impunity that will be offered to him from parliament, the compromise that will be perpetuated from the Judiciary (reconstituted in the middle of the dictatorship, and formed by figures close to the military coup), and the lie that the press and educational media build daily.

In Chile, to fight against lies and impunity, one must not only face the militias and their armament power. One must also fight against the falsified information of ALL television and written journalism, and the majority of the radio sphere, which is already configured from the universities (and I say this with cause, because I study journalism at the Catholic University, the maximum center of deformation and submissive preparation).

Against the advertising machinery that offers us a lifestyle full of colors and materialism, which hides its face of individualism and poverty. Against the political castes that speak in the name of the people, without even listening to them once (and that they use only for elections).

Against the impressive deformation and management that is carried out in basic and secondary education to generate ignorant, unconscious, and crude individuals. Against the economic powers that threaten to emigrate their capital at every moment if the conditions they demand for usurpation and exploitation are not met.

Against the political parties that became groups managed by impenetrable castes, which periodically deceive the people (nothing is fulfilled, only the SENSATION of well-being generated by capitalism and life on credit).

Against the ignorance, disinterest, and selfishness that branches out exponentially every day, thanks to non-existent education, training managed by money, and the promotion of a 'light' culture full of excitement and alienation, which hide its poverty, its injustice, and the indignity of living it.

It is not my intention to attack the strengths that each one possesses, but to warn (especially those who live outside our territory) that the reality of Chile is destitute. One lives to earn money, one survives to eat, one exists for nothing.

Our nation is in a period of absolute decadence, and that is undeniable. CITIZEN ORGANIZATIONS DO NOT EXIST, THE STRENGTH OF THE PEOPLE IS DESTROYED. That is why the struggle is greater every day. For a decent salary, for an adequate home, for an education that is such, for a decent and just life... for the real possibility of becoming...

Human Beings. The forms of struggle vary according to the possibilities, but all are necessary. And the current need is to unite them, because the class struggle of yesteryear still exists with a new composition.

Now our class is not only composed of the proletariat, but also of the persecuted and repressed indigenous person, the exploited worker, the silenced student, the defenseless adults, the coerced woman, the children prevented from being children, and the relatives and friends of the people persecuted, detained, exiled, disappeared, tortured, raped, murdered, and abused by the dictatorship of the unpunished murderer.

This is not intended to be a message of mass uprising, much less a proselytizing letter. It is just an escape route for my feelings and reflections on what is happening now, and what we have left to do.

I am 24 years old and the inevitable impotence fills my blood and my feelings. I am the son and grandson of those who fell for believing in what is just, for fighting for principles and dignity. For them and for us (those of us who still suffer and fight), a huge hug to those in Europe who raised the flag of truth and to those in Chile who still resist a reality full of hopelessness and difficulties.

I cannot but condemn the regrettable decision of a politician, Straw, who, influenced by the factual and political powers of Chile, released under falsified reports and dark purposes one of the cruelest, most abominable, and despised dictators that the cold war and capitalism gave to the world.

I cannot but repudiate the Machiavellian affront that Pinochet gave us yesterday by greeting, smiling and incredibly recovered from his senile dementia, all those who were part of the most regrettable period in the history of this country.

For this, I apologize to the world, because the fault is Chile and its people. I cannot but condemn every person who aborted the most concrete option to judge the murderer. As well as those who have played with the wishes of all of us who cry out and demand truth and justice, or those who, converted by personal interests, have tried to contribute to this machinery, trusting that the same ones who betrayed yesterday are now good and have the right intentions... please (or is the roundtable of conversations not a negotiation instance?

Or do those who sat at the "table of impunity" not respond to political-economic interests, betraying the will of those truly affected?). I say goodbye apologizing for the length of this message, but I believe the instance warrants it.

I say goodbye thanking the 'London Picket,' the protesters at the Plaza del Sol in Spain, those who gathered in front of the ministerial office in Belgium, those who demanded state intervention in France, those who pressured to maintain the extradition request in Switzerland, those who created this information and communication chain for human rights.

To all of them, I say millions of thanks and keep up the strength, that the struggle continues and that only those who trade principles, undermine their ideas, or renounce the immortal defense of what is just are defeated.

This is demonstrated by the Zapatistas of Chiapas, the Mapuches in southern Chile, the UNAM students in Mexico, the real vindicatory forces in Colombia, and a countless number of committees and civil organizations that fight daily against the injustice of a system and its transitory rulers.

The struggle of each person ends with death, but never, ever in its generality. Time faces us with a new scenario, and the desires for truth and justice remain in each of us. Greetings, hugs, and a request to recover strength, reorganize forms, and redirect this endless defense and request for what is happening and what corresponds to each one... that is...

TRUTH AND JUSTICE. TRUTH AND JUSTICE. Claudio Silva Lazo, Son and grandson of forcibly disappeared persons, March 3, 2000, Santiago de Chile

Source: archivochile.com 3/3/2000

Date: 03-03-2000

PS. The photo that appears with prisoners

Photos of Forcibly Disappeared Persons, Comrades of the charqui: I can finally send the photo (not very clear) of the cover of the Correo de la Resistencia, Special Supplement of September 1975, where Evelyn Silva Peralta recognizes her father Fernando Silva Camus (the one with his hand in his pants pocket) and her brother Claudio Silva Peralta (to the right of his father).

If anyone has information or knows who, and where this photograph was taken, it would be of great help in the search process for these comrades. Thank you on behalf of Evelyn and her mother. Ana María

Source: archivoschile.com