Fellay was the officer at the Isla Dawson prison camp, in charge of the detainees from the Unidad Popular government. On July 27, 1974, a former Dawson detainee denounced him during a visit by the OAS Human Rights Commission to the Ritoque prison camp.

Former prisoners of Isla Dawson described him as a man with a threatening and restrictive personality. Several times, he forbade them from opening the door of the barracks without prior permission. "He who appears, disappears," he used to shout at them. He was the commander of the Destroyer "Blanco."

Source: Book: Paginas en Blanco, October 29, 2001

Excerpt: At the End of the World

This chapter has been prepared based on interviews conducted with some of the people who survived the attack on La Moneda, their judicial statements in various proceedings, the careful reading of the books Isla 10 by Sergio Bitar and Dawson by Sergio Vuskovic Rojo, and the review of numerous interviews given to various media outlets by survivors of Isla Dawson, including that of Maximiliano Marihoz.

On some occasions, we will refer to the works cited at the end of the text; in others, we will place the survivors' statements in quotation marks. We believe it is important to begin this chapter with the testimony of one of the members of the GAP who managed to survive, as he confronts us dramatically with the countless techniques of torture that were installed in Chile very early on.

This is Julio Hernán Soto Céspedes, who was one of the drivers of the three cars that arrived with President Allende at La Moneda that morning. This is an excerpt from the statement he made in October 1999, before the Central Investigating Court No. 5 of Madrid: "On September 11, 1973, I drove the car in which the constitutional president of Chile, Salvador Allende, was traveling, from his residence in Tomás Moro to the Palacio de la Moneda.

Once we arrived at La Moneda, we headed to the different work points that had been pre-assigned: the drivers had to go to the garage and leave the cars in an exit position for possible emergencies, and the rest of the security detail had to take up their guard posts inside La Moneda.

After leaving the car in the garage (located in front of the La Moneda building), I headed to La Moneda to receive instructions and information on what was happening. The information remained the same: the Navy is the one that has risen against the Government of Salvador Allende... that is, we are facing a military coup and we assumed an attitude of defense of the Palacio de la Moneda under direct orders from President Salvador Allende.

I was ordered to occupy the Ministry of Public Works. I had to do this with the six drivers who were there at that moment, plus two support companions who came to help us. We remained in that position until about three in the afternoon, during which time we tried to prevent the infantry from taking the Palacio de la Moneda by assault.

After the aerial bombardment, there was an attack by ground infantry troops who took La Moneda, and the exit and taking of prisoners occurred. From Public Works, we prepared to try to leave that Ministry mixed in with the personnel who were there.

From our position, we could see how they were taking our companions out as prisoners and identify some who were transferred to the Regimiento Tacna, among whom were also Pablo Zepeda, Juan Osses, and Hugo García.

These men are alive today. We managed to leave mixed in with the personnel. We were required to hand over our identity cards and were forced to withdraw through the La Alameda sector, leaving us at liberty.

From that day until September 29, 1973, I remained in hiding, collaborating with the sheltering of union leaders in the headquarters of foreign embassies. Because of this task, I was recognized by Carabineros personnel at the Mexican Embassy while accompanying one of them.

I was recognized because this military personnel was the same that provided guard service at the presidential residence on Calle Tomás Moro. I was transferred to the 24th Carabineros Precinct in Las Condes, Santiago.

There, I was subjected to the first interrogations by Carabineros officers whom I could identify photographically, as I do not remember their names. The interrogations were based on obtaining information through the application of torture, which consisted basically of the application of the electric picana or a similar instrument that produced burns on the points where it was applied.

They also produced burns on me by applying cigarettes to my skin. With surgical instruments, they produced cuts on the sides of my face at the height of my ears, causing the skin to lift, with the threat of flaying me.

During the night of September 29 to 30, 1973, I was taken out of the cell where I was imprisoned and transferred to an interior courtyard. In that place, my face was covered with a piece of clothing, and they proceeded to tie me to a wall.

Once there, they gave instructions to what I assumed was a firing squad. The officer in charge gave the order to fire. At that same moment, I received a blow to the stomach, and said officer laughed out loud.

In the police report resulting from the interrogations, I was positively identified as a driver for the presidency, specifically for Salvador Allende, and as a member of the GAP. In the early hours of September 30, I was transferred to the concentration camp that was located in the Estadio Nacional, where they handed me over along with the report that the Carabineros corps had made at the 24th Precinct.

At the Estadio Nacional, I was put into one of the locker rooms used by athletes. There, I was interrogated by a group of four officers who belonged to an ad hoc intelligence organization known as Coordinación (integrated by the intelligence corps of the Army, Air Force, and Carabineros, which was the embryo of what was later known as the DINA).

These officers reiterated the interrogations and methods. In this case, I was hung by my feet from the ceiling of the locker room, with my hands tied behind my back with ropes and my face uncovered. In this position, I was permanently beaten with kicks, punches, and blows, and simultaneously subjected to electric shocks on any part of my body.

This system was repeated without interruption during all the personnel changes that I assume corresponded to the military shifts. The interrogation was based explicitly on trying to find out the places where they supposed weaponry was stored and on trying to identify other members of the presidential security detail.

On one occasion, I was taken out of the cell by the soldiers on guard and taken to the bathrooms, where they rubbed my face against the excrement that was there, forcing me to ingest it due to asphyxiation.

Simultaneously, I was beaten. These methods were applied for approximately one week. During the period I spent in this detention center, I identified the military officer in charge as Colonel Pedro Espinoza.

I must highlight that the officers and other military personnel did not wear personal identification badges of any kind. However, they wore uniforms with the chevrons indicating their military rank for the purposes of their own internal organization." As we have said, the first people detained on September 11, 1973, were military personnel.

The first was Admiral Raúl Montero Cornejo, held at his home in Santiago from midnight on September 10. In his book El día decisivo, Pinochet recounts how he had his aide, Commander Zavala, detained. He was the second military officer detained, the third being General Alberto Bachelet.

Surely, the reconstruction of history will yield more names of military personnel who did not accept the coup and, as a consequence, were dismissed, persecuted, imprisoned, and some tortured. The first civilian detained was possibly the Minister of Defense, Orlando Letelier del Solar, who was apprehended upon entering the Ministry in the early hours of the morning.

That morning of September 11, 1973, one hundred and nine people arrived at La Moneda: government officials, journalists and advisors, ministers, doctors, relatives of President Allende, members of the Secretariat, members of the Armed Forces, Carabineros, detectives, and the President's civil guard (GAP).

In the course of that morning, several of these people left the Presidential Palace at the express request of the President. Some, to continue accompanying him from their respective workplaces; others, to carry out tasks that would allow them to denounce what was happening.

Very significant is the case of the Spanish jurist Joan Carees, who did not want to abandon the president at those moments. Allende then requested that he leave, that he save his life so that "later on, he could tell what had happened in Chile and inform [people] about what was happening at that moment." Faced with this plea, Joan Carees left La Moneda.

Over time, it has been shown that he fulfilled and continues to fulfill what Salvador Allende requested of him. His daughters, Beatriz and Isabel, along with other women, including Verónica Ahumada, a journalist, and Nancy Jullien, wife of Jaime Barrios Meza, left the Palace, yielding to the demands of Allende who, already aware of the imminent bombing of La Moneda, wanted to save their lives.

The events, the words, the experiences, emotions, and pains of the people who left La Moneda are recorded in articles and press publications, in books that were written years after that day and that continue to be written today.

Finally, from moments before the bombing of the Presidential Palace began, a significant number of people remained with the President or in other offices inside La Moneda who decided to stay with Allende.

Inspector Juan Seoane stated before the Rettig Report: "...A defense was impossible, there were few weapons, none for attack; I believe that more than an act of war, remaining there was an act of dignity..." For his part, in his book El día decisivo, Pinochet says: "...Allende was left absolutely alone, with the exception of a small group of fanatics who blindly accepted a struggle for them, without a destination." After the bombing, a group of them left through the Morandé 80 door.

Upon reaching the street, they were attacked, forced to lie on the ground with their hands on the back of their necks, threatened with being crushed by a tank, and vilely insulted. General Javier Palacios ordered the doctors to identify themselves and stand up.

They were released or sent to their homes, some under house arrest: doctors Patricio Arroyo, Danilo Bartulín, Alejandro Cuevas, José Quiroga, Hernán Ruiz Pulido, Víctor Hugo Oñate, and Oscar Soto. Doctors Patricio Guijón and Arturo Jirón remained detained, both being transferred first to the Military School and later to Isla Dawson.

Patricio Guijón remained under arraigo (travel ban) in Chile throughout all the years of the military regime. Of the doctors released, two were detained the following day upon presenting themselves voluntarily after learning that their names appeared on a military decree requiring them: Oscar Soto and Danilo Bartulín, being released after a few hours.

Oscar Soto sought asylum, while Dr. Bartulín was detained again, sent to the Estadio Chile, and subsequently to Chacabuco. After months of imprisonment, he was forced to leave the country. The other doctors were summoned in mid-October to the Ministry of Defense to testify. "We were treated with deference at the Military Prosecutor's Office.

There, they interrogated us appropriately and understood that our presence at La Moneda was of a professional nature," relates Dr. Patricio Arroyo. However, he was detained days later at the behest of the Health Service Prosecutor, Dr.

Díaz Doll, a classmate and colleague, who had had countless doctors detained. He remained detained for fifty-seven days in a facility on Calle Agustinas, where more than one hundred doctors were in the same situation.

The pressure exerted on the team of doctors who cared for the President's health continued for months. Detained several times for days, interrogated on countless occasions with the intention of making them declare slanders about Allende's private life, Hernán Ruiz Pulido, Alejandro Cuevas, Víctor Hugo Oñate, and José Quiroga had to leave for exile one after another.

Doctors Enrique París, Jorge Klein, and Eduardo Paredes were transferred to the Regimiento Tacna. The story of their ordeals, their deaths, and their disappearances was narrated earlier. Only two women were in the group that left through Morandé 80: Miria Contreras Bell and Marta Silva.

The latter was a young woman, secretary to Daniel Vergara, whom the doctors found in an office of the Undersecretariat of the Ministry of the Interior, alone and terrified. They put a white apron on her, and she was taken from the place in an ambulance to the Posta Central, from where she was able to escape immediately.

Later, she went into exile. Miria Contreras, "Payita," on the other hand, left with the last group. She carried in her jacket pocket the Declaration of Independence that President Allende had given her moments before so that she could save it from the fire caused by the bombing.

On the first floor, before leaving through Morandé 80, a soldier snatched the parchment from her and destroyed it, despite her shouts telling him what it was. Once on the street, when the whole group was pushed to lie on the pavement with their feet toward the gutter, and while helicopters passed by firing from the air, a soldier made her get under the ledge to protect herself from the bullets; he even told her to put her hands on her face to protect it.

Thanks to that soldier, who separated her from the group, she was seen by the brother of President Allende's secretary, Osvaldo Puccio—the Army's Major of Dental Health and dentist for the La Moneda staff, Jaime Puccio—who had arrived early at La Moneda that day.

At President Allende's request, he left the palace, went to his house, put on the only uniform he had—his dress uniform—and returned to La Moneda at the moment the detainees were leaving through Morandé 80.

When he saw Miria Contreras lying on the ground with a soldier pointing his weapon at her, he told her to stiffen up, to play dead, and immediately ordered the soldier to call the ambulance that was on the corner, saying: "...that woman is wounded." Miria stiffened, the stretcher-bearers grabbed her by the feet and hands and threw her into the back of the ambulance.

The ambulance left without stopping until the Posta Central. When the doctors approached to attend to her, she gave them her name and told them she came from La Moneda and that she had to leave. But Dr.

Alvaro Reyes and a nurse prevented her and decided to protect her. Miria Contreras spent days wandering from house to house, unable to communicate with her sisters or her children, and even worse, ignoring the fate of her son Enrique.

Finally, the Swedish ambassador Harald Eidelstam rescued her and took her to the Cuban Embassy. She remained in asylum for months. Finally, she managed to leave the country in June 1974 for exile. That morning, there were also at La Moneda "Carlos Briones, Minister of the Interior; Clodomiro Almeyda, Minister of Foreign Affairs; the Minister of Education, Edgardo Enríquez; the former ministers and brothers José and Jaime Tohá; Hugo Miranda, Senator of the Radical Party; and Aníbal Palma, former Minister of Education." Moments before the bombing, they moved to the sector of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, located in the same building as the Palacio de La Moneda. In the vaults of the Ministry, they endured the bombing. At five in the afternoon, they were taken out, amidst the smoke and flames of the fire, through Calle Morandé. There, they had their first encounter with the military forces. Some of them were taken to the Ministry of Defense. They were moved from floor to floor, from office to office, without [the military] deciding what to do with them. They were thus witnesses that personnel from the North American Mission were in the Ministry of Defense, working in conjunction with the Chilean military officers who directed the coup. Previously, they had left La Moneda in the morning hours toward the Ministry of Defense as delegates of Allende, with the mission of negotiating with the military. Pinochet says in his book El día decisivo: "...Admiral Carvajal informs me that Undersecretary Vergara and Secretary Puccio are there and that they are the bearers of a series of conditions from Allende... he also informs me that numerous Unidad Popular officials have arrived. As they enter, they are detained. Thus, Vergara, Flores, and Puccio, father and son, and others remain in the status of detainees." How, when, and in what way they were taken prisoner is recounted in numerous books. We are only interested at this point in highlighting that all of them, along with the people who were detained upon leaving La Moneda, such as Dr. Arturo Jirón, the journalist and presidential advisor Carlos Jorquera, and Dr. Patricio Guijón, survived. Most of them were transferred to the Ministry of Defense. In that Ministry, "...a Lieutenant who identified himself with the surname Zamorano of the General Staff" informed them of the status of prisoners they were in and that they would be transferred to the Military School. There, Hernán Soto, Undersecretary of Mining, who had been detained at a street checkpoint, joined them. Sergio Bitar, who presented himself voluntarily along with Jorge Tapia on September 13, was also transferred to the Military School. "...My first big surprise was to see several who on the 11th, 12th, and 13th were given up for dead or executed, were detained at the Military School..." They came from La Moneda: Clodomiro Almeyda, Minister of Foreign Affairs; Fernando Flores, former Minister of Economy; Patricio Guijón, doctor; Arturo Jirón, doctor; Orlando Letelier, Minister of Defense; Hugo Miranda, senator; Aníbal Palma, former Minister of Education; Osvaldo Puccio G., secretary to Salvador Allende; Osvaldo Puccio H., law student; Adolfo Silva, photographer for La Moneda; Jaime Tohá, Minister of Agriculture; José Tohá, former Minister of Defense and the Interior and former Vice President of the Republic; Daniel Vergara, Undersecretary of the Interior; and Hernán Soto, already mentioned. At the Military School, they were there or arrived hours later: Orlando Budnevic, lawyer; José Cademártori, deputy; Jaime Concha, former Intendant of Santiago; Edgardo Enríquez, Minister of Education; Alfredo Joignant, Director of Investigations; Carlos Jorquera, Press Secretary to Salvador Allende; Enrique Kirberg, Rector of the Universidad Técnica del Estado (UTE); Erick Schnacke, leader of the Socialist Party; Miguel Lawner, Director of the Urban Improvement Corporation; Miguel Muñoz, official of the Central Bank; Carlos Matus, former Minister of Economy; Carlos Lazo, Vice President of the Banco de Estado; Luis Matte, former Minister of Housing; Vladimir Arellano, Director of the Budget; Carlos Morales, former deputy; Camilo Salvo, deputy; Aniceto Rodríguez, senator; Héctor Olivares, deputy; Julio Palestro, Manager of the Polla Chilena de Beneficencia; Tito Palestro, Mayor of San Miguel; Anselmo Sule, senator; Jorge Tapia, former Minister of Education and Justice; and Benjamín Tepliski, Executive Secretary of the Unidad Popular. At the Military School, they were left in separate rooms. They could only see each other at meal times; in those moments, they could tell each other what each had lived through. In those accounts, the opposition between dignity and brutality is distinguished once again. For example, José Tohá recounts that when he arrived at La Moneda, he met a military officer who asked him: "What are you coming here to do, if this place is going to be bombed?" to which he replied, "I am coming to be with the President. That is my responsibility." From the beginning, the prisoners lived with lies, falsehoods, and distortion. The military, in a mocking tone, told them what they supposedly had found in Tomás Moro, "...drugs and pornographic photographs..." Everyone knew "...from their relationship with the President, that it was false..." Already from the Military School, the mistreatment and violence began, "...the permanent hostility of the second lieutenants." The harassment, the threatening shouts, the interruption of sleep. On September 15, the whole group was put on buses, without explanations. No one knew where they were taking them. "...The students of the Military School who guarded them were dressed in battle gear, with submachine guns and grenades." "...The warnings they gave them and the harsh words spoken were of death: 'any movement would be the object of a shot... in the face of any dubious action they would be annihilated'." Bitar expresses in his book: "...Our lives were in danger," and the "feeling of death was the most intense we had." At the Los Cerrillos airport, they were handed over, amidst humiliations and blows, to Group 7 of the Chilean Air Force, which was there. "With vulgarities and insults, they urged us to descend quickly." Upon getting off the buses, they pushed them, attacked them, threatened them, and some of their guards uttered the first words that demonstrated the penetration of the hatred that nested in their minds: "...So you wanted to destroy the country, you wretch." They pulled at them, tore their clothes, insulted them; it was the dehumanization, the invasion of the self, the aggression against personal dignity that was thus beginning. Sergio Bitar, in his book, points out that "...from a distance, I could distinguish a foreign officer who was observing this maneuver." For his part, Hernán Soto recalls that: "There was a Brazilian plane and on the tarmac, officers of that nationality." Everyone, in one way or another, relates that the idea of imminent death hovered in their minds, and faced with this idea, very diverse forms of psychological responses arose in them: the absolute awareness of what they were living and therefore the consequent anguish, or the denial of reality and the non-realization of the meanings, the lack of understanding, and through it, the denial of reality that allows one to survive "those tragic moments." At the airport, they were taken toward a plane, put on board, and placed in the center of it. Men with submachine guns in their hands installed themselves at each end. When the flight began, they realized they were heading south. What was their destination going to be? No one said anything. What was the purpose of all this? Communication, human dialogue had disappeared; only the discourse of threat and violence existed. "...A feeling of panic invaded us all," especially when, to the insults and mistreatment, silence was added. It was brutal treatment, without words, without gestures, only that of the shouts, of the rifles pointing at them. Upon arriving in Punta Arenas, already at night, the weapons were aimed directly at each person's body. Upon descending, powerful spotlights shone on them, blinding them. They could only guess at the presence of the numerous contingent that surrounded them. To this luminous stimulation and the theft of part of their identity, by photographing them, was added immediately the deprivation of sight and air. They hooded them. To the loss of the main sense of orientation of cognitive space was added the suffocation, the bewilderment, the doubt, and in some, panic and terror. It was the appropriation by the other of freedom, of life. "The perception of something terrible," expresses Sergio Bitar, "became overwhelming." Everyone had the imminent experience of death, that those were their last moments. "In absolute silence, they were transported in armored vehicles to some barges." In one of the armored cars, a guard's shot accidentally wounded Daniel Vergara in a hand, who was taken to Dawson in those conditions. "He did not say anything. He remained silent; his hand was bleeding." This time, they were marines, with submachine guns, who guarded them. It was the third branch of the Armed Forces that was now in charge of them. An officer warned them: "...Here you cannot speak, you cannot converse, you cannot sleep, no one can move..." Between each of the orders he gave, he said with a strong voice, "Right." He turned, pointing a submachine gun at them as a threat. Some soldiers were terrified. At six in the morning, they arrived at what they would later recognize as Isla Dawson, an island located in the extreme south of Chile, beyond the 54th parallel. In the early hours of September 16, the barge docked at a deserted beach. Exhausted, mistreated, they were received amidst the snow, in an intense cold, in the semi-darkness by a new contingent of the Armed Forces: "...we were exhausted, tense, and among us, Daniel Vergara wounded..." They walked several kilometers over gravel and snow. Upon arriving at a kind of cove, they were received by the camp commander, Jorge Fellay. For the uniformed men, by the words they said to them, they were like the generals of an enemy army. These generals who "never had weapons or war suits, and our gestures and words were never voices of command, much less of threats." The orders were transmitted to the prisoners with brutal words, difficult to assume because they had never heard them before: "...if we did not obey, we would be discharged immediately..." Thirty-six people were put into a barracks of thirty-two square meters. For warmth, they were only given one blanket. It was the base of the Marine Infantry Engineering Company, Compingin, built with prefabricated panels. The wind penetrated without mercy. There, locked up and incommunicado, a feeling of unreality, of meaninglessness, of bewilderment between the true and the unknown invaded them. "A feeling of disbelief invaded me; in a few hours, they had changed the image of what we thought was Chile, something incredible." It was the traumatic rupture with the usual frame of reference. They were individualized with a letter and a number, with an absolute prohibition against addressing each other by their names or referring to them. After five hours of confinement in a place built for only eight people, they were taken out to a gravel courtyard, fenced with barbed wire. Commander Jorge Fellay again addressed them with a speech of threats, orders, and restrictions. They could not even open the door of the barracks without first asking permission to do so. The following words, which became mythical, were shouted: "he who appears, disappears."

Source: Book: Paginas en Blanco, October 29, 2001

Roll C-22561-2018: Aguero/State of Chile case

1. Description of the Compingim concentration camp. The Compingim Concentration Camp was located at the base of the Marine Infantry Engineering Company (Compingim) on the island. This concentration camp had been built prior to September 11, 1973, as part of the Martillo plan with which the Navy participated in the preparation and implementation of the Military Coup by the RMA in Magallanes.

Compingim began operating on September 11, 1973, with the arrival of the first 60 political prisoners who had been concentrated at the Cochrane Detachment of Punta Arenas to be transferred to Isla Dawson.

This transfer was carried out on the Navy barge Orompello. The account of a political prisoner illustrates the transfer as follows: “They quickly embarked us on a Navy barge, without knowing our destination, and at approximately 6:00 PM on that fateful day of September 11, 1973, we set sail for a destination unknown to us.

They placed us in different places on the vessel, pointing their submachine guns at our heads and taking all imaginable security measures. We were not to speak to each other, and any movement on our part meant, simply and plainly, death, according to the words of our guards.” “After midnight, the vessel docked, and after a moment of waiting, where we realized the great agitation that existed, the preparations for disembarkation and movement of weapons, we were ordered to go ashore.

We did this through a narrow walkway, composed of a plank that went from the seashore to the barge and that moved to the rhythm of the waves, having as a first consequence that many companions fell into the sea on a freezing night, with wind of more than 100 kilometers per hour.

In addition, we had been blinded by enormous spotlights that shone on us from the shore of the Island. They made us march along a stone path, only receiving orders, slogans, threats, and blows from rifle butts during the journey.

The companions who had fallen into the water were trembling with cold.” “In front of the column of prisoners, a truck with its lights on was showing us the way, which allowed us to see through lights and shadows the grim scene, only comparable to the war films we had once seen... soldiers equipped both for the prevailing climate and for the task they had been entrusted with... to watch us and kill us if necessary or if they found a pretext for it.

The march was closed by another truck that shone its lights on us from behind. The fear was generalized, as we did not know where our captors were leading us. The path was made of stone and was full of patches of ice that made our march more difficult.

The steam that came out of our breathing was the indicator of the cold of that night, where most of the companions were dressed in light clothing, inadequate for that experience. After about 40 or 50 minutes, we spotted a construction that stood in the middle of the darkness.” This concentration camp was in charge of the commander of the Compingim base, Corvette Captain Jorge Fellay Fuenzalida, and was assisted by Lieutenant Barriga.

Around 80 people from Magallanes were confined in Compingim. From September 16, 1973, a group of political leaders of the overthrown Unidad Popular government (35 prisoners) was also confined in this camp.

Upon their arrival at the camp, the prisoners were notified personally by Commander Fellay that they were considered prisoners of war and that disobedience to military orders would be severely punished and that any attempt to escape would be punished by martial law.

The Compingim concentration camp was composed of four barracks and tents. The barracks were located on a small rise in the terrain. There was also a building that was used as a kitchen and a tool shed.

The entrance to the concentration camp was flanked by a gate. The surroundings were covered by a fence of zinc sheets and barbed wire. The camp had several guard booths with guards who rotated regularly.

Compingim was guarded by heavily armed guards stationed in strategic places outside, inside, and in the surroundings of the camp. Commanders of the military guards patrolled inside the camp accompanied by trained dogs.

The political prisoners from Magallanes were divided into two groups confined in two different barracks. These barracks had metal bunks as beds that were aligned in two rows facing each other, with a small space of less than half a meter as an aisle.

They had a gate as the only entrance and exit. At the back, there was a small window that was boarded up. Near the barracks of the Magallanes prisoners, a high wall built with zinc sheets and wood was erected.

This wall separated the prison that concentrated the political prisoners who had been brought from the north, consisting of a group of renowned national leaders of the Unidad Popular government. There was no running water in this concentration camp.

A stream that ran outside the wire fence was used as a water supply and for washing. The latrines consisted of a bridge formed by logs and wooden fences, which were located in the same stream used as a water source.

Each prisoner was provided with only one blanket to cover themselves from the cold. The use of the latrines was done under prior authorization and surveillance of the guard. The food was poor and deficient during most of the time this camp was in operation.

Generally, it was leftovers from the military personnel's food, mixed with lentils or salted beans. They ate in a tent, where the cold and the southern wind seeped in, which froze them at temperatures that reached 10 degrees below zero.

C. Clandestine Concentration Camp Galpón del Cochrane, Punta Arenas, 1973-1975. 1. Description of the Galpón del Cochrane concentration camp. The Marine Infantry Detachment No. 4 “Cochrane” in Punta Arenas was used between 1973 and 1975 as a clandestine concentration and interrogation camp for political prisoners by the armed forces and agents of their intelligence services.

The Galpón del Cochrane concentration camp constituted an important link in the implementation and systematization of political imprisonment and torture of political prisoners in Magallanes during this period of the military dictatorship.

This facility is located in the Río Los Ciervos sector, at kilometer 10 south of Punta Arenas. The commander of the Cochrane Marine Infantry Detachment was Frigate Captain Roberto Ramírez Olivari, and the Second Commander was Corvette Captain Jorge Fellay Fuenzalida, who was also the Commander of the Marine Infantry Engineering Company (Compingim) on Isla Dawson.

The Cochrane Detachment depended on the III Naval Zone, whose commander was Rear Admiral Horacio Justiniano Aguirre in September 1973.

Source: Judiciary, May 12, 2020