As early as 1989, arrangements were being made to insert former DINA and CNI agents into the Army Intelligence Directorate (DINE) or other areas. It is estimated that nearly 80% of the former "dinos" have already been reintegrated and are in active service.

Upon seeing the clarity of the photograph of Miguel Krassnoff Martchenko published in the newspaper La Nación on October 9, 1991, Clara Tamblay, a former political prisoner, jumped. Unable to convince herself, she exclaimed: "But this was the guy who headed my detention and Nelly Pinto's in 1974.

I have spent my time describing him in every court where I have testified, without knowing that it was Martchenko himself!" However, for Mónica Tellerías Rodríguez, also detained in 1974, it was not a great surprise to encounter Carabineros Colonel Conrado Pacheco, Commander of Tres Álamos, in a line of delinquent debtors at Falabella at the beginning of 1989.

If this country had had the possibility of a collective catharsis, to be able to carry out a real process of reconciliation through truth and justice, episodes like those described would barely reach an anecdotal role.

But that is not the case, and there are thousands of victims of repression who live not only with the fear of encountering their own torturers, but of becoming their defenseless victims once again. Conrado Pacheco, yesterday a torturer, today a retired swindler.

He was the Chief of Tres Álamos, a concentration camp where detainees were recognized as such. There were pavilions for men and women. He had a special predilection for psychologically harassing the female prisoners, leaving them without visits, forbidding them from singing, conducting surprise raids, keeping them incommunicado in isolation cells, and verbally abusing them.

This colonel, now retired, lives with his martyred conscience, lighting candles and praying in his house on Gran Avenida. He did not become a general because his institution dismissed him for repeated fraud and bounced checks.

That was not the fate of the then-Army lieutenant, later captain, Miguel Krassnoff Martchenko. He was the intelligence officer in charge of the Brigada Aguila at Villa Grimaldi, responsible for the repression of the MIR.

He felt attracted to politics and wanted, together with the "boss" Manuel Contreras, to consolidate a large social base of support for "his" General Pinochet. For that task, he felt almost predestined, and in his name, he committed all the excesses that thousands of people attribute to him.

He distrusted everyone, both within his own ranks and the prisoners who, after cruel torture, gave him the information he requested. "A traitor is always a traitor, on whichever side they are," he used to tell them.

He had a reputation for being tough. Oscar Angulo, a former political prisoner who lives in Germany, remembers the pale and trembling captain slowly moving his hand toward his pistol when they met abruptly at Villa Grimaldi.

The prisoner Angulo had an AKA submachine gun in his hands, without bullets, which a non-commissioned officer had given him to build a wooden gun rack. He says that he desperately shouted: "I am unarmed." He never erased from his mind the altered face of the "tough" captain. "Perhaps my colonel will write his memoirs one day," Krassnoff's aide, Captain Birardi, told the newspaper La Nación some years ago.

The "tough guy" of Villa Grimaldi was, until some time ago, commander of the Regimiento Tucapel in Temuco. At the time of writing this article, he was the second-in-command of his institution in the Fourth Division, based in Valdivia.

He tries to go unnoticed and to associate only with trusted people. He will not make the mistake of calling journalists again, as he did a few years ago in Temuco, in order to defend one of his men who had murdered a truck driver because he was blocking his way on the highway. He learned that a cocktail for the press is not enough to erase the past.

THE ONES DOING THE DIRTY WORK

The brotherhood of the iron fist that the DINA represented as an institution has had an unequal fate. The superstructure has managed to support itself, and those closest to "Mamo," whether retired or active, chose the south to close ranks for security around their former boss.

Those at the bottom, the guards, the torturers in charge of the dirtiest work—"the rabble," as they call them in their jargon—were left to their own fate. They have tried to submerge, change neighborhoods, or move to the provinces.

In every face that looks at them, they believe they see an old victim seeking revenge. Some have wandered through confessionals or friendly, receptive ears, seeking an inner peace that remains elusive.

Among them is all the lumpen that the DINA recruited, and who today, it is presumed, form small gangs of muggers, a task they perform to survive. There are also the conscripts who were forced to be part of the guard staff and operational groups.

They are the ones who have had the least trouble handing over the small amount of information they hold to responsible organizations. It is in this human chapter that the phrase of the Bishop of Valdivia best fits: "There can be no tranquility when conscience exists for the truth of time and for the justice of God." Just as the symbolic man among the recruited lumpen was Osvaldo Romo Mena, "El Guatón Romo," among the non-commissioned officers, it is Basclay Zapata Reyes, "El Troglo." "El Guatón Romo," unable to hide his smell of grease and perspiration despite bathing in "Flaño" cologne, boasted to the detainees at Villa Grimaldi of having always been an infiltrator. Today, it is not known if he is in Brazil or Spain, or perhaps among us with a new face and identity. The DINA helped this agent, one of the most hated, to submerge. For his victims, he was a "lackey" proud of his cruelty. Like Romo, Basclay "Troglo" Zapata was part of the main operational group of Krassnoff and his Brigada Aguila. He had been a musician in a military band. That was the extent of his sensitivity. With the same naturalness with which he "grilled" (tortured) and shouted imprecations against the detainee, he would go out to wait for them outside and, in a whispering voice, say: "I don't agree with what they are doing to you. I have asked them not to do this, but if you want me to help you, you have to trust me..." He was capable of playing the role of the "good guy" and the "bad guy" simultaneously. Army Corporal Basclay Zapata does not wear his "Prince Valiant" mane today. Married to agent María Soledad, also of sad memory at Villa Grimaldi, he has gained weight, and with the rank of sergeant, he performed duties at the DINE in 1991. He has also taught classes at the Non-Commissioned Officers School.

WITH AND WITHOUT INTELLIGENCE

After the departure of Commander Pedro Espinoza, "El Coronta," also known as "El Ronco," remained as head of Villa Grimaldi, but his real name is Marcelo Morén Brito. There has always been doubt as to why such a brutal and unintelligent man was placed in such a high intelligence position.

The conclusion is that it was due to his unconditional loyalty to Manuel Contreras, which even led him to resign from the DINA when his boss retired. He did not have the same loyalty to his nephew Alan Bruce Catalán, detained in February 1975, who is now forcibly disappeared.

Morén was from the south, which is why when he studied at the Military School, he would go to the Bruce house on weekends. Young Alan would give him his room and sleep on the living room sofa. He admired him in his imposing cadet uniform and was proud to serve as a messenger for the letters and flowers he delivered to his girlfriends.

Morén, who reached the rank of colonel and was decorated by General Pinochet, lived on his farm in Osorno until 1991. He has done well in business and maintains an import-export company with his brother in Santiago.

Francisco Maximiliano Ferrer Lima, "Max Lenou"—a name taken from a spy novel—or simply "Max," was the obverse of "El Ronco." He was a captain whose opinion counted. He had serious differences because, like the FACH, he thought that one had to do "more intelligence" and less brutality.

If one had to characterize him, he was the "intellectual" of the lot. It is known that he coldly witnessed the torture of many detainees, observing their reactions. He did not intervene, neither by interrogating nor by "grilling." In 1976, he was sent to Brazil to attend a specialized intelligence course.

Later, he traveled to Geneva to assume the defense of the government of Chile, which was accused of making hundreds of its prisoners disappear. With the same coldness, he asserted that it was a lie. "Max Lenou" was appointed director of the ENI (National Intelligence School).

In 1991, with the rank of colonel, he was performing duties at the DINE. Also still in active service in 1991 was Juan Hernán Morales Salgado, who, with the rank of captain, was in charge of "Mamo's" security.

In charge of his escort group, he only answered to him. After leaving the DINA, he was "getting some air" in Antarctica. In 1991, with the rank of colonel, he was performing duties in the Army Personnel Directorate.

THE LITTLE LIEUTENANTS

They say they came together from the clandestine barracks on Calle Londres, and also from José Domingo Cañas, but both became famous at Villa Grimaldi. Ricardo Lorenz (others spell it Lawrence) Mires belonged to the Carabineros.

They called him "Lieutenant Cachete Chico." The other was from the Army, Fernando Lauriani Maturana, known by guards and prisoners of Grimaldi as "Lieutenant Pablito." Lorenz was the laughingstock of the guards; behind his back, they questioned his authority.

He was considered cruel, only suspending the torture of a detainee when they suffered a heart attack or fainted. Survivors remember the time he placed a juicy piece of watermelon in front of a female detainee who had suffered more than four hours of electric shocks.

Everyone knew that if the woman ingested the appetizing piece, it would cause her viscera to burst. In her testimony, former agent Luz Arce says that it was he who, under threat of death, forced her to collaborate.

With the rank of lieutenant colonel, he is now retired and distanced from his institution. His friend, "Lieutenant Pablito," also enjoyed a bad reputation among his subordinates. He was characterized as clumsy and of low intelligence, but also of profound cruelty.

At the Military School, he was a classmate of Claudio Thauby, a socialist militant whom he personally detained upon recognizing him on the street and who remains forcibly disappeared to this day. Luz Arce says that he used his bayonet to slash her chest and back, making bleeding figures.

He was a protégé of Marcelo Morén, who changed his duties according to what suited him best. In 1991, with the rank of lieutenant colonel, he was stationed in the Third Division in Temuco. Alejandro Burgos de Beer was a man of many roles.

He was a trusted man of the boss, Manuel Contreras. He was not only his direct aide but also a front for the institution in the company "Pedro Diet Lobos." He had responsibilities in order and security in Peñalolén and La Reina.

In 1991, he was "Colonel Burgos," director of equine development and equitation at the San Bernardo Regiment. Manuel José Provis Carrasco belonged to the Brigada Caupolicán. At the end of 1977, he proposed to former agent Marcia Merino, known as "La flaca Alejandra" by her former comrades in the MIR, that to avoid problems in the future, she should "die" legally and change her face and identity.

To facilitate the measure, he spoke with the woman's former boss, Colonel Rolf Wenderoth, urging him to pay for plastic surgery at the Clínica Santa María. Provis continued in repressive tasks and was commander of the CNI barracks on Calle Borgoño.

At the end of 1989, he returned from a professional trip he made to Israel. Until 1991, he was a lieutenant colonel in the BIE (Army Intelligence Brigade), the place from which, in 1989, he offered a job to Luz Arce.

Major Manuel Andrés Carevic Cubillos was the second-in-command of the Brigada Purén, in charge of the repression against the Socialist Party. Luz Arce remembers him as one of her cruel interrogators. In 1991, with the rank of colonel, he was stationed at the Iquique regiment.

RETIRED

In his capacity as an Army major, Raúl Iturriaga Neumann served in 1977 as deputy director of intelligence at the DINA general headquarters. Subsequently, he took charge of its economic department, in charge of DINA companies.

Versions indicate that he was linked to Operación Colombo, set up to "make those already disappeared in Chile disappear in Argentina." He was also head of its foreign department. In 1989, he was promoted to major general in the Sixth Division of the Army, based in Iquique.

In Argentine courts, his name appears linked to the investigation of the operation that culminated in the assassination of General Prats and his wife. In 1991, Iturriaga was an Army general formally in retirement.

In 1991, he was interrogated by Minister Adolfo Bañados, who is investigating the DINA's participation in the homicide of Orlando Letelier. Through a public letter, he denied the versions linking him to the leadership of that organization and announced lawsuits against the media.

However, some indications point to the fact that he remains linked to intelligence work and that he would be collaborating with the DINE. General Odlanier Rafael Mena Salinas, the first director of the CNI, is truly retired.

DINA survivors remember little of Army Major Rolf Wenderoth. They knew he existed, that from afar he tried to notice everything. He was a somewhat dark-skinned, good-looking guy. Luz Arce and Marcia Merino refer to him as the officer who protected them, since "he fell in love with Luz Arce." Until the beginning of 1978, both worked under his orders, both at Villa Grimaldi and at the general headquarters on Calle Belgrano.

He was deputy director of internal intelligence, but he was equally informed of what was done abroad. Today he is a retired colonel. Italo Alberto Seccatore Gómez was the Army officer in charge of modernizing the DINA's information filing system, until the contract was signed with COMDAT to buy the large computer.

They had two entry systems. One with the lists of detainees over time and another with the lists of the forcibly disappeared. Italo Seccatore, who was more in the administrative area, is today out of intelligence activities, with the rank of retired general.

Before leaving, he tried to convince Luz Arce not to speak before the Truth and Reconciliation Commission. Augusto Patricio Deichler Guzmán was an Army major when he was in section C-1 of the DINA's internal intelligence sub-directorate. Once, when Wenderoth traveled abroad, he remained in his place. With the rank of brigadier, he retired.

THE MIDDLE COMMANDS

Germán Jorge Barriga Muñoz arrived at Villa Grimaldi in March 1975, and in the Brigada Purén, he took charge of the repression against the PS. According to testimonies collected by the Rettig Report, he has responsibility for the decision made regarding the fate of engineer Alfredo Rojas Castañeda, a socialist militant detained that same month of March that Barriga arrived at Villa Grimaldi.

Alfredo Rojas Castañeda is forcibly disappeared, as are the socialist leaders Carlos Lorca, Ricardo Lagos, Exequiel Ponce, and the militants of that party Michelle Peña, Carolina Wiff, Mirella Rodríguez Díaz, and Rosa Elvira Solís Poveda.

Germán Barriga could tell who is responsible for the beating suffered by young Michelle Peña, who, almost at the end of her pregnancy, lost her baby due to the brutal kicking. With the rank of colonel, Barriga performed duties in the National Mobilization Directorate in 1991.

Manuel Abraham Vásquez Chaguán, who with the rank of captain was also part of Purén, could also provide information on this and other cases. In 1991, he was a colonel and served in the Concepción logistics battalion.

In this same Brigade, Lieutenant Marco Antonio Sáez Saavedra also worked, who stood out for his enthusiasm in detaining and beating socialist detainees. In 1991, he was a lieutenant colonel in the Army's operations directorate.

Gerardo Godoy García was a Carabineros sub-lieutenant in charge of the Tucán operational group, which served as support for the tasks of the Halcón 1 group, led by Lorenz, and the Aguila group, commanded by Krassnoff.

Gerardo Godoy had agent "Marisol" under his charge. He used to work in large operations together with "El Troglo," "Guatón Romo," Luz Arce, and "El Pulgar" or "Negro Paz." The prisoners of 1975 remember him as "Lieutenant Marcos." Although he was barely a sub-lieutenant, he gave himself the airs of a high-ranking officer.

Until March 1991, with the rank of major, he was head of the Ancud police station. After that date, he was transferred to Santiago. Captain Julio Cerda Carrasco, in charge of the DINA general headquarters company, had responsibility for the unit in charge of security and the guard.

In 1991, he was a colonel assigned to the Aysén Regiment. Jorge Andrade Gómez, Krassnoff's second-in-command in the Aguila group, was also at the Terranova barracks, better known as Villa Grimaldi. Many survivors hold him responsible for the disappearance of the detainees. In 1991, he was a major in the metropolitan general garrison.

THE "CARAPÁLIDA" (PALE FACE)

Orlando José Manzo Durán was the head of Cuatro Álamos, a place of transition between Villa Grimaldi and Tres Álamos, where one was in "free talk." Although it was supposed to be a place to recover from torture and not arrive in such bad condition at the place where one recovered life, many people were taken from there to an unknown destination from which they never returned.

This is the case of Jacqueline Binfa, Carmen Bueno, and Muriel Dockendorf, among many others. From this place, "Mauro," a guard who watched over the prisoners with whom he had a humanitarian attitude, left forever. "Mauro," who turned out to be Carlos Carrasco Matus, is forcibly disappeared.

None of this was unknown to Lieutenant Manzo, who, as a DINA official, had perfect collusion with Villa Grimaldi. The prisoners knew him as "El Carapálida," because of his complexion like pantruca (dough), and the guards as "Lucero." He treated everyone badly, with shouting, with mockery, and there are accusations of rape against him by some female detainees.

To whoever wanted to listen, Manzo reported that he was a Gendarmerie officer on special service at the DINA. Indeed, he was reinstated in the service and appeared on its payrolls at least until 1989.

THE ONE WHO STAYED

For the three left-wing militants whom the DINA, under atrocious duress, converted into collaborators, the fate has been diverse. Luz Arce, after becoming a payroll official, was able to make an inflection and detach herself from the nightmare, delivering her truth to the Rettig Report.

Marcia Merino, "La flaca Alejandra," has remained behind a wall of neutrality, limiting herself to repeating practically the same thing her colleague has said, therefore, what is already known. As far as is known, more than feeling linked to the DINA-CNI, she is afraid of reprisals.

She attended a court to testify for the case of Lumi Videla, her intimate friend and comrade in the MIR. There, she met Adriana Urrutia for the first time after 17 years in a confrontation before the court.

Adriana was the protector who sheltered her in her house for a long time. After so much time, Marcia Merino had the opportunity to ask for forgiveness. This is not, however, the case of "Carola," the third of the group.

María Alicia Uribe Gómez, at least until 1991, was still a DINE official, whose offices on República she attended daily. Defined by her former comrades as "shameless, authentic, or with foul language," an aspect that the DINA found interesting, Lorenz was in charge of crushing her will.

Her collaboration process was different from that of her two friends. She could tell jokes and laugh out loud while, two meters away, they were savagely torturing one of her former comrades. Not everyone who donated part of this underworld of cruelty and terror, "the soldiers of the Army of Shadows," as their boss called them, is in this report.

Today, however, a concern unites them again, and they all have their eyes set on where, as a detainee, is "The Boss." Manuel Contreras Valdebenito has been detained for more than a month at the Military Hospital—a place he does not want to leave—charged for his responsibility in the assassination of Orlando Letelier and Ronnie Moffitt.

A civil judge, Adolfo Bañados, is investigating this crime. His work and the numerous witnesses he has interrogated have allowed him to compile important background information that is shaping, in order and perhaps for the first time, the dark history of this organization, which is only a dramatic and shameful memory that many would like to erase.

It is probable that many of these characters have joined "the boss's friends" to contribute to the fees of a lawyer who will defend him and leave him free of guilt. Perhaps they have already gathered the large sum demanded by the possible lawyers.

This would explain—responsible sources asserted to ANÁLISIS—some steps taken by Colonel Fernando Torres Silva a few days ago. Apparently, it will be he who finally chooses Contreras's defender. In different parts of the country, the men of the DINA trust that their choice will be a good one. by Gladys Díaz

Source: Revista Analysis, October 27, 1991

Along with the consummate torturers, among the cruelest agents in the torture rooms appear the women who placed themselves at the service of terror. A very significant number were in administrative tasks that allowed the repressive apparatuses to function, but there were also those in direct operational functions, in kidnappings, torture, executions, and the disappearance of prisoners.

This is a sample. The important case of the kidnapping of Miguel Ángel Sandoval joins the one known as "the 119," due to the number of those they tried to make appear as dead in internal fights in Argentina in the so-called "Operación Colombo." Witnesses to Sandoval's kidnapping report having seen him at Villa Grimaldi until February 10, 1975, the day he was taken out along with María Isabel Joui Petersen, María Teresa Eltit Contreras, Renato Sepúlveda Guajardo, Jorge Herrera Jofré, and Claudio Silva Peralta, all of whom are forcibly disappeared.

The testimony of María Isabel Matamala provides another detail: she was detained by Osvaldo Romo and taken to Villa Grimaldi, tortured for 15 days by Romo and Basclay Zapata, and interrogated by Morén, Krassnoff, Laureani, Ricardo Lawrence, Ferrer, and a woman nicknamed "the commander," whose name was Rosa Humilde Ramos.

THE DINA TORTURERS

Survivor María Salinas Farfán points out that she saw many detainees who are now forcibly disappeared and that, among the agents, she can recognize Romo, Laureani, Krassnoff, Morén Brito, Luz Arce, Marcia Merino, and Alicia Gómez (María Alicia Uribe Gómez), "la Carola." Osvaldo Romo acknowledges that among the torturers at Villa Grimaldi were César Manríquez, Wenderoth, and Palmira Almuna.

Basclay Zapata, alias "el Troglo," declares that "in 1975 he married Teresa Osorio Navarro, also an official of the organization," and that he would go out with Luz Arce to "scout" in a vehicle through the streets of Santiago.

Teresa Osorio says she "entered as a civilian employee of the Navy in 1974, being assigned to work at the DINA, at the Villa Grimaldi barracks, as Krassnoff's secretary. She knew that the DINA agents were divided into groups, called 'Halcón,' 'Purén,' 'Aguila,' and others, with the set of these being called 'Caupolicán.' She reiterates her statements in a confrontation with Eugenio Fieldhouse (also an agent), insisting that she did not go out to detain." Fieldhouse, coming from Investigations, admits that among the agents at Villa Grimaldi were Teresa Osorio, Rosa Humilde Ramos, and Palmira Almuna. Meanwhile, survivor Raúl Flores Castillo relates that he was detained "by armed subjects, one of whom identified himself as Osvaldo Romo; they put him in a vehicle in which there were more people, a woman they called 'la negra' (Teresa Osorio), and a subject they called 'el Troglo'." Although many of the women who belonged to the DINA performed administrative tasks, there is a team that has been classified by survivors as "the most sadistic and cruel." Among them stood out Carabineros Sub-lieutenant Ingrid Felicitas Olderock Oelckers, who was an instructor of torturers as early as the initial school at Tejas Verdes. As a member of the Brigada Purén, she was a trainer of the dogs used in the sexual abuse committed against men and women at the secret barracks "Venda Sexy." Also a Carabineros sub-lieutenant, Palmira Isabel Almuna Guzmán, alias "la Pepa," was a member of the Brigada Purén and a torturer at José Domingo Cañas under the orders of Ciro Torré Sáez; she subsequently worked under the orders of Pedro Espinoza Bravo. She was in charge of selecting and instructing future agents, who were infiltrated as frivolous and pretty women in various areas of national political relevance. She moved to the CNI, and in 1985, she returned to the Carabineros, serving in a juvenile correctional center in Iquique with the rank of commander of the female hierarchy. She was denounced at her home at Luis Beltrán 1000, in Pudahuel, on May 31, 2003, after which she has not been seen in the neighborhood; she probably lives in Iquique. Nélida Gutiérrez Rivera was the private secretary and lover of Manuel Contreras. After the detention of her boss, she continued as his part-time secretary in the offices he had on Calle Ricardo Lyon; the rest of the time, she dedicated to her Boutique "Mané" (Manuel and Nélida) in the Lyon and Providencia spiral mall. Although the role played by Viviana Pincetti Barra, who appears receiving salaries from the DINA and is the daughter of Osvaldo Pincetti Gac, alias "charla," is not known with certainty, her father took her on "visits" to Villa Grimaldi and other barracks of the repressive organization. Various testimonies speak of the terrible role played by Marcia Alejandra Evelyn Merino Vega, alias "la flaca Alejandra," as an agent after being a militant of the MIR. These days, she lives in an insular area of Chile, from which she travels to Santiago to provide statements in the various trials against the DINA. Another woman turned agent was Luz Arce Sandoval, who went from being a PS militant to the DINA. Survivors remember her present at torture sessions at Villa Grimaldi, Londres 38, and Cuatro Álamos. She continued her work at the CNI, and in 1990, she made herself available to the courts to testify in cases of the disappeared. Today, she lives outside of Chile and returns circumstantially to provide data in judicial proceedings. María Alicia Uribe Gómez, alias "Carola," went from being a MIR militant to a DINA agent, then to the CNI, and after 1990, she was integrated into the DINE. Together with other collaborators, they carried out real "fashion shows" with the clothes of prisoners murdered in the DINA barracks. She was seen at Villa Grimaldi, Cuatro Álamos, and José Domingo Cañas. Rosa Humilde Ramos Hernández was known as "the commander," a torturer at José Domingo Cañas and Villa Grimaldi and a member of the Agrupación Aguila of the Brigada Caupolicán. Her memory is indelible among the survivors due to her masculine appearance and the sadism she applied in the torture. Also cruel is María Teresa Osorio, alias "Soledad" or "la negra," wife of Basclay Zapata. In the Brigada Purén, dedicated to the repression of the PS, the PC, and the DC, the detective Ximena San Juan, Elsa del Tránsito Lagos Salazar, Francisca del Carmen Cerda Galleguillos, and Nancy Edulia Vásquez Torrejón, alias "Pelusa," appear with functions. In the Agrupación Halcón II of the Brigada Caupolicán, the group that participated in the confrontation with Miguel Enríquez, was María Gabriela Ordenes, alias "Marisol," who was seen present at torture sessions. Agents in administrative functions were Mirtha Espinoza Caamaño, DINA secretary, who worked under the command of Augusto Deitchler in the Internal Intelligence Sub-directorate. María Gabriela Coll Webar, secretary of the General Headquarters staff. Marta Smock Teixido, secretary of the General Headquarters staff in the Economic Intelligence Sub-directorate. Sandra Montecinos Sepúlveda, secretary of the General Headquarters staff. Eliana Quilodrán, alias "Ely," agent of the Operations Directorate who acted under the command of Pedro Espinoza Bravo in the Education and Informatics section. Teresa Aburto, secretary of Section C-2, who continued working at the CNI and then at the DINE. Enriqueta Salazar Contreras, secretary of the Internal Intelligence Sub-directorate with direct work with Rolf Wenderoth and who would later be integrated into the Carabineros. Maribel Maringue Moya, secretary of the Sub-director after Wenderoth's departure, who subsequently continues to perform duties in the CNI directorate. Also appearing are Ana María Rubio de la Cruz, alias "Carmen Gutiérrez," Army non-commissioned officer and secretary of the Foreign Intelligence Sub-directorate, implicated in the assassination of General Carlos Prats and his wife. María Eliana Moncada Prieto, secretary of the Foreign Intelligence Sub-directorate, who later joined the Counterintelligence Department. Sara Águila Márquez, social worker of the Personnel Sub-directorate. Carmen Ávila Ferrada, secretary to Arturo Ureta Siré in the Foreign Intelligence Sub-directorate, subsequently moves to hold the same position in the CNI, under the command of Colonel Suau. Alejandra Damián Serrano, who used the alias "Roxana," was Michel Townley's secretary. The nurse María Eliana Bolumburú Taboada (Bolumburó according to the list of "Elissalde and Poblete") joined the DINA Health Brigade, working in clandestine clinics together with several doctors who advised on the torture. The last piece of information on her whereabouts placed her working at a pharmaceutical company on Calle Ejército and living in a villa in Maipú.

THE GIRL FROM THE COMANDO CONJUNTO

It seems that the only woman in the Comando Conjunto is the famous Pochi, who was seen dressed in a school uniform asking for people who would later be kidnapped. She was also active in the torture inflicted on dozens of prisoners in the clandestine torture centers known as Nido 20 and Nido 18.

Viviana Lucinda Ugarte Sandoval was a soldier (r) of the FACH, with assignment to the DIFA and the Comando Conjunto. Wife of General Patricio Campos Montecinos, Director General of Civil Aeronautics until the denunciation made by the newspaper La Nación.

Prosecuted during the dictatorship by Minister Cerda as the author of criminal illicit association and accomplice to the disappearance of Reinalda Pereira and Edrás Pinto, she was amnestied by Judge Manuel Silva Ibáñez. These days, she continues to be involved in the proceedings being carried out against the Comando Conjunto.

Source: elsiglo.cl, December 12, 2005