The town of Paine holds the sad record of having the highest number of political executions and forced disappearances in proportion to its inhabitants. After the military coup, bands of civilians, police, and military personnel operated there, leaving a trail of blood and pain, murdering peasants from "settlements" born out of the Agrarian Reform.

In Paine, victims and perpetrators still live side by side under a shroud of impunity and oblivion. In 1979, the Military Justice system took it upon itself to dismiss the cases opened regarding the events in Paine by virtue of the 1978 Amnesty Law, approved by General Pinochet himself to cover up his crimes.

After 29 years, Judge María Estela Elgarrista is nearing the truth. The Agrarian Reform, initiated in the 1960s and intensified under the government of Salvador Allende and the Unidad Popular, allowed many peasant families to benefit from the allocation of lands that, until then, belonged to a handful of large landowners.

Thus, the peasants gave life to the "settlements," but in Paine, as in the rest of the Chilean countryside, everything was set back on September 11, 1973. Bands of far-right civilians, police, and military personnel exacted "revenge," murdering union leaders and "settled" peasants.

The crimes, impunity, and fear spread through the small localities of Paine, Hospital, Huelquén, Culitrín, Chada, Rangue, El Vínculo, Pintué, and Laguna de Aculeo. Many peasants and their families witnessed how local civilians guided the uniformed men through the "settlements," providing names and, most of the time, participating directly in the repression and crimes.

Two weeks ago, and after 29 years, the judge of the San Miguel Court of Appeals, María Estela Elgarrista, summoned family members and perpetrators to various confrontations. Holanda Vidal, wife of the forcibly disappeared Cristian Cartagena Pérez, states: "I was summoned for the lawsuit regarding the kidnapping and murder of my husband, who disappeared on September 18, 1973.

Our goal is for the guilty to be prosecuted: Carabineros from the Paine sub-precinct and civilians who acted together. I identified several of them: Sergeant Retamal, Corporal Ortiz, Albornoz, and Víctor Sagredo; and civilians: Darío González Carrasco, now a merchant, a member of Patria y Libertad, who admitted that he detained my husband at the Chada School House where we lived, taking him to the sub-precinct at six in the morning." The former Carabineros have denied their participation in the crimes during the confrontations, arguing that they "were on guard duty." "That gave me a shock that paralyzed my arms, a crisis of crying and anguish. It is terrible to relive everything that happened, to see them so close, their cynicism, their audacity to deny the truth. To see them so arrogant, without accepting that what they did was atrocious. These are the first confrontations after 29 years of complaints, searches, and knocking on doors. This step was possible because of all our effort and work as an Association. We have not compromised on the trial and punishment of the guilty, and that they pay for their crimes with prison." After the confrontations, prosecutions should follow. The judge has a long list of civilians, Carabineros, and military personnel from the San Bernardo Infantry Regiment. "One of the murderers is Lieutenant Magaña Baum, and among the Carabineros, Sergeant Verdugo, a torturer who now presents himself as an old man who has done nothing," adds Holanda Vidal.

"Everyone saw them" Juan Maureira is the son of René Maureira Gajardo, who was forcibly disappeared on October 16, 1973, along with 22 other peasants from the Campo Lindo, 24 de Abril, and Nuevo Sendero settlements.

As president of the AFDD of Paine, he recalls that military personnel from the San Bernardo Infantry School also participated in the repression and murders: "The judge is investigating nearly 40 complaints filed before Judge Guzmán.

In Paine, there are more than 70 victims, of whom about 40 are still missing. These are the cases compiled in the Rettig Report, but others were never reported. We presume that about 100 were murdered in Paine, most of them peasants from settlements.

The minister will eventually have to prosecute the Carabineros, civilians, and military personnel involved. It is what we expect and what we have asked for, that true justice be done and that we can find our family members...

We know that Lieutenant Magaña has information about what happened to my father and 22 other peasants, among other cases. He killed our family members... The Carabineros have denied their participation, but they are the same ones who still live in the town.

How can they deny it if everyone saw them? The same thing happens with the civilians who acted. Paine is a small town." According to the family members, the judge has acted with rigor, caution, and intelligence.

They trust the testimonies and statements she has managed to collect. For them, everything points to the fact that some of those involved will be prosecuted. "Many were even seen entering houses. There is a countless amount of evidence collected since that time." So far, they are satisfied with the investigation and the proceedings carried out by the judge.

For them, it is the first investigation after 29 years without achieving justice. Up to this minute, civilians and Carabineros have been summoned, and some confrontations have taken place: "Which gives us a bit of satisfaction because it had never been achieved before.

For the moment there are no prosecuted individuals, but the minister continues working. And we have been able to verify that," says Juan Maureira. Meanwhile, most of the civilians and Carabineros who murdered the peasants of Paine continue to live in the small rural town in complete impunity. "As far as we have been able to see, for the first time there is an investigation as it should be.

The criminals will have to provide information about what happened. They are the same Carabineros, civilians, and military personnel who are mentioned in most of the cases," he concludes.

Murderers of Paine Carabineros Nelson Bravo Espinoza, Captain; Raúl Ortiz Maluenda, 2nd Sergeant; Carlos Aburto Jaramillo, 1st Corporal; José Retamal Burgos, 1st Corporal; Víctor Sagredo Aravena, 1st Corporal; Reyes, Sergeant; Luis Jara, Lieutenant of Pintué; and Carabineros Samuel Ahumada Cabello; Raúl Donoso Figueroa; Alamiro Garrido Ubal; Jorge González Quezada; Víctor Labarca Díaz; Eduardo Molina Armijo; José Piñaleo Pérez and Jorge Verdugo, among others.

Civilians Hugo Aguilera, Fernando Aguilera, Francisco Luzoro, Jorge Sepúlveda, Tito Carrasco, Claudio Oregón, Darío González Carrasco, Luis Guerrero, Mario Tagle, Ricardo Tagle, Yule Tagle, Jorge Aguirre.

Military - San Bernardo Infantry School

Leonel Köening Alternatt, Director; Samuel Rojas Pérez, Lieutenant Colonel; Mario Morales Durán, Conscript; Andrés Magaña Baum, Lieutenant; Pedro Montalvo Calvo, Colonel; Iván de la Fuente Sáez, Major; Hernán Pizarro Collarte, Major; Ciro Ahumada Miranda, Major; Juan Carlos Nielsen Stambuck, Captain; Sergio Rodríguez Rautcher, Captain; Luis Cortés Villa, Captain; Víctor Pinto Pérez, Captain; Marcial Cobos Farías, Captain; Jorge Romero Campos, Captain; Luis Villarroel Contreras, Captain; Héctor Maturana Zúñiga, Captain; Luis Garfias Cabrera, Captain; Eduardo Silva Bravo, Captain; Sergio Valdivia M., Captain; and Julio Cerda Carrasco, Captain, among others.

Source: El Siglo, February 25, 2003.

Sentence provided unpublished data on crimes at the Sumar factory

The current General (Ret.) Luis Cortés Villa and the former DINA agent, Pedro Diet Lobos, participated in the "selection" of "good" and "extremist" workers. In one of the least-known episodes following the military coup, such as the military occupation of the Sumar factory, Judge Jorge Zepeda sentenced Colonel (Ret.) Hernán Ovalle Hidalgo to five years in prison as an accomplice to the homicides of workers Ofelia Villarroel Latín, Adrián Sepúlveda Farías, and Donato Quispe Choque, the latter of Bolivian nationality.

After a "selection" of the workers, they were murdered inside the factory by Army officials on September 23, 1973, and their bodies were thrown into the street, from where they arrived at the Legal Medical Service.

The plaintiff lawyer, Alejandra Arriaza, said she will appeal the sentence because, in her opinion, the judge should have convicted Ovalle as an author "because he was prosecuted in that capacity" and because "one cannot sentence someone to five years for three homicides." In any case, Zepeda did not apply the amnesty and considered the crimes "crimes against humanity." The sentence reconstructed what happened in the textile industry, which had been intervened and was in the hands of the workers.

In the days following the coup, the Army designed operations against labor centers considered "conflictive and extremist."

Cortés Villa appears

Although the then-General (Ret.) Pedro Hepp Dubiau y González was appointed to manage the factory, officers Ovalle, then a Lieutenant; Luis Cortés Villa, then a Captain and today a General (Ret.) and president of the so-called Augusto Pinochet Foundation; and the then-Army Major (Ret.) Pedro Diet Lobos were designated as those in charge of selecting the workers between "good" and "extremist." The sentence provides these two "surprises": that of Cortés Villa and that of Diet Lobos, who was one of the financiers of the DINA through the shell company "Pedro Diet Lobos," of which the most notorious DINA agents were shareholders, such as Carlos Parera, against whom an investigation for the crime of rape was formalized yesterday. The sentence relates that Ovalle walked around with a megaphone naming the workers who had to form "to the left" or "to the right" of him. The lists of "good" and "bad" ones were provided to him, according to Ovalle himself, by Cortés Villa. Furthermore, the sentence establishes that civilians Sergio Uribe, Adriana Valdés Illufi, Gabriel Zurita, Tomás Domínguez, and Benito Galindo helped Ovalle in the selection. According to the sentence, the civilian Miguel Sandoval Briones remained in the company's security control as a "snitch," helping Ovalle. The bodies of the three victims were clandestinely buried in the same "rustic, lidless coffin and covered with dirt" in Patio 29 of the General Cemetery. Ofelia Villarroel was exhumed in 1973 by her family with military authorization, cremated, and taken to the Nogales Cemetery. The other two bodies were only found after 1990, when 126 bodies were exhumed from Patio 29.

Source: La Nación, June 23, 2006.