Alejandro Paulino Campos Rehbein, an officer in the Navy, served as an operational agent for the DINA in the Caupolicán Brigade. He was also a member of the Pedro Diet Lobos Society, a commercial front used by the DINA to cover up activities both within Chile and abroad.

Subsequently, he was part of the Foreign Intelligence Sub-directorate of that criminal organization. In the CNI, he served at the organization's headquarters as an "analyst of subversive information," with the agent/informer María Alicia Uribe (Carola) as his direct assistant.

Judicial statements by Alejandro Paulino Campos Rehbein, on page 3685, refer to his participation in the DINA and state that the only trip he made outside the country was to Buenos Aires in 1975 or 1976, using his own name.

He adds that Mario Jahn served as Head of the Foreign Department for about six months and was replaced by Ureta; Raúl Iturriaga Neumann was also in that Department, though he claims ignorance of what duties he performed because there was a "compartmentalization" system in that Department.

In the plenary session (6738), regarding the role performed by José Zara in the DINA, he adds: "It seems to me that it was related to the foreign war front, problems with neighboring countries..." He explains that both performed duties in the DINA's Foreign Department and, regarding the DINA's external structure, he explains: "Administrative part, another for the war front, and others in which we were dedicated to the analysis of open sources regarding national or international terrorism." Sources: Revista Análisis No. 282, Revista Qué Pasa; Judiciary;

Source: Revista Análisis No. 282

"I was raped, they applied electricity to me, they burned me with cigarettes, they gave me 'hickeys,' they put rats on me. I think I was at Venda Sexy (a secret DINA facility); they tied me to a stretcher where trained dogs raped me.

I was always covered with duct tape, then a blindfold, and then a hood. They laughed, they offered us food and gave us orange peels. They would wake us up at night so we would lose our sense of time." (Testimony of a 16-year-old girl, kidnapped in the Metropolitan Region, who was later expelled from the country without her family.) The horror became a reality for all Chileans.

Some will continue to say it is a lie, that the survivors "were paid to speak against the Armed Forces," or ultimately that "they deserved it." But the country has already learned the truth, and even a model-host wants to "know the names of the torturers." That is the idea of this special report: to provide a part of the truth that does not have to wait 50 years to be known.

That is one of the many criticisms made of the Report on Political Imprisonment and Torture presented by Ricardo Lagos on the night of Sunday, November 28, through a pre-recorded speech for the national network broadcast before the television channels' news segments began.

Alone, with no victims or family members to look in the eye, the President of the Republic fulfilled the ritual of informing his fellow citizens. There was no symbolic delivery of the text, no possibility of asking questions, no recognition of the motives that led so many men and women to torture their compatriots, no accurate criticism, no names of victims or victimizers, and the evidence was not handed over to the Justice system, as had been done after the Rettig Report and even the Dialogue Table.

Reactions from hatred

Appointed senators and former uniformed officers reacted by dismissing any participation in the crimes. Former Admiral Jorge Martínez Bush demanded a "full stop" to end the "lies" against his institution.

The other former admiral, Jorge Arancibia, flatly denied the possibility of "decommissioning" the La Esmeralda, "which can only be decommissioned in combat," and threatened: "I cannot commit myself, nor can anyone else, to ensuring that something never happens again if I do not know what causes it." Many insisted on Hermógenes Pérez de Arce's thesis regarding the baseless slanders against the uniformed officers and the "military government," repeated by retired generals and admirals.

Appointed senator and former commander-in-chief of the FACH (Chilean Air Force) Ramón Vega supported his institution's official statement and added: "We are lamenting the consequences today and we are investigating them, but a plan for torture is something I, at least, never heard of; it was never analyzed, nor was the word 'torture' ever heard in the War Academy, the Aviation School, or any training school." Senators Rodolfo Stange and Fernando Cordero, former general directors of the Carabineros, did not accept institutional responsibility for the torture and asserted that "there are no reasons for the uniformed police to apologize." Stange criticized the report on torture "because it borders on the unconstitutional, calling institutions into question rather than individuals. I participated in the government junta, but I do not make a mea culpa because I do not feel responsible for any extreme situation as is being indicated in Bishop Valech's commission," he noted. Cordero, for his part, said that the "third leg of the table" would have to be completed, "because at this moment the table is wobbly; a mea culpa must be made for what happened before September 11, 1973, which was the cause of all the situations that occurred subsequently." The current General Director, Alberto Cienfuegos, also appeared distant from the possibility of apologizing or assuming institutional responsibility, although he should answer about what his role was, starting March 25, 1974, when as a lieutenant he was appointed on a service commission to serve as Head of the Information Office of the National Executive Secretariat for Detainees, remembered by many people by its acronym: SENDET. The UDI, National Renewal, and Lavín opted to downplay the profile, to show themselves in deep shock, even asserting that their participation in the dictatorship was, precisely, to prevent further abuses from being committed and to open the way to democracy. No one believed them. Sergio Fernández continued trying to dismiss his participation in human rights violations, but his cabinet colleague Mónica Madariaga asserted that in the clandestine torture centers, the agents knew him as "the car’e jote." Soon he will have to begin continuous visits to the courts, along with Sergio Onofre Jarpa, Sergio Diez, Ambrosio Rodríguez, among so many others, to answer the many questions that arise about their responsibilities as civil authorities. A new avalanche of lawsuits for torture, like those already filed by hundreds of former political prisoners, is announced following the delivery of the report. Fernández Fernández must answer, for example, for why he denied the existence of Villa Grimaldi to the Justice system, as demonstrated by the confidential official letter in which he responds on May 18, 1978, to the inquiry from the Third Major Criminal Court of Santiago.

Demands from organizations

The coalition of organizations of former political prisoners reacted in unison (see page 2), and the groups of victims' relatives joined the denunciation. The Communist Party announced new lawsuits and added that "the main reparation the country expected is that which relates to it being proportional to the damage caused.

This implies truth and full justice for all victims. We demand that for the sake of those principles, the Report be made public in its entirety; that the names of the torturers be handed over to the courts of justice and that all judicial proceedings that are required be initiated; that their files be declassified immediately and not in 50 years; that all those responsible for torture and abuse be immediately removed from the armed and police forces; that an end be put to the military doctrine whose matrix is established by North American imperialism, and in which Chilean military and police cadres are and have been systematically instructed to repress their own people." The issue of monetary reparation was not the center of the controversy, except for Ricardo Lagos's attempt to blackmail the tortured with the threat of having to take money from social programs to pay their compensation. From CODEPU, another demand was made: "Just as new deadlines are going to be opened to reconsider the status of victims for people who did not qualify, we propose that because it is a crime against humanity, there cannot be an exclusionary deadline for qualification. In this sense, the State must open a new deadline for new submissions from people who, for various reasons, did not attend the initial call, especially when the Report itself points out that the testimonies collected 'only represent a partial sample of the total universe of people affected by said human rights violations during the military regime'." Thus, neither the mea culpa that some media outlets, such as Canal 13, attempted to make, nor the "astonishment" of some dictatorship officials like Jorge Hevia, have managed to remove the main issue from the center: torture took place in Chile. Torture was systematic and organized, supported by the entire infrastructure of the State, which had become a terrorist entity; hundreds of men and women were trained to subject other men and women to the most terrible abuses. The use of rats and dogs to sexually assault prisoners, electricity in the most delicate corners of their bodies, mock executions, food deprivation for long periods, and many other aberrations were committed against those they considered "enemies," "humanoids," in the words of one of the members of the Military Junta. The other thing that has been clear is that the survivors have had the courage and dignity to recount what they suffered, to transform it into hope and the desire to continue insisting on the need to transform this country, to continue fighting to make the dreams of those who could not come to give their testimony a reality: the executed and the forcibly disappeared.

DINA: Pinochet's hand

"I always complied (...) in accordance with the orders that the President of the Republic gave me. Only he, as the Superior Authority of the DINA, could dispose of and order the missions to be executed, and always, in my capacity as Delegate of the President and Executive Director of the DINA, I strictly complied with what I was ordered." (Manuel Contreras Sepúlveda, Director of the DINA).

In the trials against the DINA, looking at the list of those indicted and convicted, it would seem that the only ones who made it up were a few commanders headed by its director Juan Manuel Contreras Sepúlveda, alias "Mamo" and "Mojón." Pedro Octavio Espinoza Bravo, alias "Don Rodrigo"; Raúl Eduardo Iturriaga Neumann, alias "Don Elías" and "Luis Gutiérrez"; Miguel Krassnoff Martchenko, alias "caballo loco"; and the operatives Gerardo Godoy García, Basclay Zapata Reyes, and Osvaldo Romo Mena always appear.

But the torturers were many more.

Caupolicán Brigade

Major Marcelo Luis Manuel Moren Brito, Head of the Caupolicán Brigade. Alias "coronta," "ronco," and "oso." Lieutenant Colonel Vianel Valdivieso Cervantes, alias "Víctor." Head of the Psychological Operations Department.

He maintained contact with journalists who provided services to the DINA, such as Roberto Araya, Julio López Blanco, Claudio Sánchez, Pablo Honorato, Ricardo Coya, and Beatriz Undurraga, and the publicist Manfredo Mayol.

He retired in 1987 and set up a private company in Temuco. Corvette Captain Sergio José Peñaloza Marusic, operational agent. Corvette Captain Alejandro Paulino Campos Rehbein, alias "Antolín." ID 3.704.573-K.

Operational agent. Later joined the Foreign Intelligence Sub-directorate. Captain Francisco Maximiliano Ferrer Lima. Alias "Max Lenoux." Head of the clandestine torture center known as José Domingo Cañas, replacing Ciro Torré.

Partner of "Pedro Diet Lobos" and instructor at the National Intelligence School, teaching courses on "secret service and observation." He continued his work in the CNI and remained in active service at least until the early 90s with the rank of colonel.

Lieutenant Fernando Eduardo Laureani Maturana, alias "Lieutenant Pablo." Agent of the Caupolicán Brigade and head of the Aguila group, known as "the guatones." Until the early 90s, he remained in active service, with the rank of colonel, as Chief of Staff of the 3rd Army Division in Concepción.

Carabineros Lieutenant Jaime Gustavo López Abarca, agent of Londres 38 and Cuatro Alamos. ID 1.822.793-2. Involved in the disappearance of María Cecilia Labrín Sazo. Carabineros Corporal Emilio Hernán Troncoso Vivallos.

ID 4.236.940-3. Involved in the disappearances of Juan Bautista and Washington Maturana Pérez, Mario Juica Vega, Gabriel Castillo, and Daniel Palma Robledo. Carabineros Corporal Heriberto del Carmen Acevedo Acevedo.

Army Lieutenant Jorge Claudio Andrade Gómez, ID 5.293.833-3. In the first days of the coup, he participated in the Panguipulli logging complex massacre. He acted under the direct command of Krassnoff at the Terranova barracks (Villa Grimaldi).

In August 1979, already in the CNI, he participated in the application of the torture that caused the death of teacher Federico Alvarez Santibáñez. In 1991, he was a major in the Metropolitan General Garrison and a member of the DINE.

Carabineros Corporal José Aravena Ruiz, alias "muñeca del diablo" and "cucharita"; the latter nickname was given to him by prisoners because he used to hit their knuckles with a spoon after torture. He was "funado" (publicly exposed) in December 1999 at his home at Alfonso Leng 5569-0, in the Villa Santa Elena de Macul, a site he abandoned shortly after.

Army Conscript Samuel Enrique Fuenzalida Devia, alias "gato." Emilio Iribarren Ledermann, alias "Joel." Went from being a MIR militant to a DINA agent. Leonardo Alberto Schneider Jordán, alias "Barba." Went from being a MIR militant to an agent, first of the Joint Command and then of the DINA.

These days he is being prosecuted in several cases of torture and disappearance. Carabineros Captain Egladio Salgado Torres, agent assigned to the Belgrano General Headquarters, but also with operational duties in kidnappings and torture at Villa Grimaldi.

In 1980, he returned to his institution, joining the DICAR. He retired with the rank of colonel. Sergio Bernardino Ortega Parada, alias "gil culiao." Corvette Captain Sergio José Peñaloza Marusic. ID 4.782.486-9.

Operational agent of the DINA until its dissolution. Carabineros Corporal José Avelino Yévenes Vergara, alias "Quico" or "Daniel Cáceres." Member of the Halcón II group, with duties as a torturer at Londres 38, José Domingo Cañas, and Villa Grimaldi.

At the end of the DINA, he moved to the CNI and then to the DINE. He was "funado" at his home at Calle B 5266, Villa San Luis de Macul, Peñalolén commune.

Purén Brigade Army Captain Alfonso Faúndez Norambuena, Head of the Purén Brigade. ID 5.454.077-1. On September 11, he was serving at the San Bernardo Infantry School, participating in the executions and disappearances in Paine and Cerro Chena.

He continued his work in the CNI. After the end of the dictatorship, he settled in Talca, where he has a company that provides forage and grain to the Army. Army Colonel Manuel Andrés Carevic Cubillos, alias "Raúl" and "Claudio." Second in command of the Purén Brigade.

He continued his work in the CNI and, in 1989, was appointed Head of the Plaza in the district of La Pintana, Puente Alto, Pirque, and San José de Maipú. Until the early 90s, he was part of the DINE with the rank of colonel.

Carabineros Major Eduardo Víctor Espinoza Paiella. ID 3.662.969-K. Agent of the Economy Department. He retired along with Manuel Contreras. Carabineros Captain Germán Jorge Barriga Muñoz, alias "Don Jaime." ID 5.060.938-3.

Member of the Purén Brigade and later of the CNI. With the rank of colonel, Barriga performed duties in 1991 at the National Mobilization Directorate. He was "funado" at his home at Irarrázaval 2061, apartment 105, a place he abandoned hastily.

Today he is head of security for Lider supermarkets. Lieutenant Manuel Abraham Vásquez Chahuán, alias "Lieutenant Manuel." ID 5.090.309-K. Responsible for the disappearances and executions in Paine and Cerro Chena.

He continued in the CNI and in 1989 was appointed commander of the Logistics Battalion of Concepción. Army Corporal Basclay Humberto Zapata Reyes, alias "el troglo." Famous for being very cruel in torture and raping detained women.

Prosecuted for multiple cases of disappearance, executions, and torture. Until the early 90s, he remained as an instructor at the "Daniel Rebolledo" NCO School and with operational duties in the DINE. Carabineros Officer Gerardo Urrich González, alias "mano negra." Instructor at Tejas Verdes.

Responsible for a series of executions in the sector known as Barrancas, today mostly the Pudahuel commune. He was "funado" at his office of "Servicios de Seguridad Alcázar," located at Ahumada 236, office 408.

Army Lieutenant Manuel Jorge Provis Carrasco. As a member of the San Bernardo Infantry School, he participated in the crimes of Paine and Cerro Chena. He continued in repressive tasks and was commander of the CNI barracks on Calle Borgoño, participating in Operation Albania.

At the end of 1989, he returned from a professional trip he made to Israel. Until 1991, he was a lieutenant colonel in the Army Intelligence Brigade. Army Lieutenant Marco Antonio Sáez Saavedra. ID 5.795.624-0.

Specialist in the repression of the Communist Party and the Socialist Party. In 1991, he was a lieutenant colonel and performed his duties in the Army Operations Directorate. Brother-in-law of CNI Major Joaquín Molina, murdered by Manuel Contreras Valdebenito.

Army Lieutenant Manuel Rolando Mosqueira Jarpa. Detective Manuel Gregorio Chirinos Ramírez. Detective Jorge Lander Cabezas. Detective Francisco Aladino Caamaño Díaz. Detective Arturo Patricio Vargas Cid. Investigations Inspector Juan Saldías Valdés, alias "Harry the Dirty." Investigations Inspector Risiere del Prado Altes España, alias "Pedro."

Other commanders and agents

Army Lieutenant Colonel Jerónimo Luzberto Pantoja Hernández, Sub-director of the DINA and the CNI. ID 2.095.044-7. Responsible for the Chihuío massacre as vice-commander of the Maturana Regiment of Valdivia.

In 1990, he was arrested for his participation in the illegal financial firm known as "La Cutufa." Army Lieutenant Colonel Alberto Elissalde Muller, Head of the Economy Department. ID 3.118.465-7. As head of the Personnel Sub-directorate, he paid the agents' salaries through the front companies "Villar y Reyes" and "Elissalde y Poblete." At least until the end of the 90s, he lived on one of his extensive properties in the southern part of the country.

Major Carlos Rafael Parera Silva, Alias "Luis Gutiérrez," ID 3.090.193-2. Head of the Foreign Department (successor to Iturriaga Neumann). In 1973, he was Second Commander of the Black Berets in Peldehue.

When the DINA was dissolved, he rejoined the Army and was assigned as Commander of the Dolores Regiment, Director of the Paratrooper and Special Forces School, and in 1985, military attaché in France. In the government of Patricio Aylwin, he was Military Attaché at the Chilean embassy in South Africa.

Andrés Terrise Castro. Agent of the Psychological Operations Department, where he performed duties of covering up crimes and preparing propaganda campaigns. He continued in the CNI and the DINE as a civil agent.

Today he appears as a businessman for an advertising firm based in the Ciudad Empresarial of Huechuraba. Major Rolf Gonzalo Wenderoth Pozo, head of Villa Grimaldi. ID 3.870.222-K. He was the boss and lover of Luz Arce.

In 1985, he was a military attaché in the Federal Republic of Germany, retiring in 1987 to go south, where many high-ranking DINA officials have extensive areas of land. Major Julio Cerda Carrasco, Head of Security of the Central Barracks (Belgrano).

Responsible for disappearances and executions in Cerro Chena. He retired in December 2002 as Commander-in-Chief of the IV Army Division. Army Captain Eugenio Armando Videla Valdebenito, operational agent.

ID 4.209.466-8. Participated in the Tejas Verdes courses before belonging to the DINA. He was director of the Tejas Verdes Engineer School and governor of San Antonio. In active service until the early 90s, he eventually joined the Army General Staff.

Army Lieutenant Juan Viterbo Chiminelli Fullerton, ID 3.704.546-2. Agent of the Foreign Department. In 1973, he was serving in the aviation command and was one of the pilots who accompanied General Arellano Stark to the south and north of the country in the "Caravan of Death." In 1974, he became part of the DINA. "Funado" at his home on Avenida El Bosque Norte and his work at the mining company Kvaerner-Chile, of Dutch origin.

Lieutenant Ricardo Víctor Lawrence Mires, 5.392.869-2, Head of the Halcón 1 Brigade. Alias "cachete grande." Prosecuted for numerous cases of kidnapping, execution, and torture, including the disappearance of María Cecilia Labrín Sazo, who was in an advanced state of pregnancy.

He was "funado" at Tabancura 1382, his workplace at the shrimp distributor "Kamaron Bay," where he uses the alias "Ricardo Flores" in his contact with owners of numerous restaurants in Santiago. Carabineros Lieutenant Emilio Patricio Sajuria Alvear, partner of the front company Pedro Diet Lobos.

ID 5.122.525-2. "Funado" at Telefónica, where he worked in its Legal Department. Today he practices as a lawyer for tourism companies. Carabineros Second Lieutenant Gerardo Ernesto Godoy García, Head of the Tucán Support Group and Head of Venda Sexy.

Alias "cachete chico." Until March 1991, with the rank of major, he was head of the Ancud police station. After that date, he was transferred to Santiago. Today he is convicted for the kidnapping of Miguel Angel Sandoval, having to be transferred to Punta Peuco II, although he is still seen around his house in La Reina.

Carabineros Officer Gerardo Alejandro Aravena Longa, operational agent. ID 4.567.685-4. Involved in the execution of five political prisoners in Cuesta Barriga and in the disappearance of José Guillermo Barrera.

At the end of the DINA, he moved to the CNI and in 1985 returned to the Carabineros, retiring as a commander. Today he is General Manager of Radio Santiago. Army Officer Mario Alejandro Jara Seguel. ID 3.319.824-8.

Head of the DINA barracks in the IV Region, based in Coquimbo. At another time, he was in command of the brigade that operated in Rocas de Santo Domingo. A personal friend of Manuel Contreras. He acquired a plot of land between Coquimbo and La Serena where he would live with his former secretary, named Nancy.

Joint Command Terrorism from the FACH The so-called Joint Command (CC) was an intelligence group that operated approximately between late 1975 and 1976, and whose main objective was the repression of the so-called Central Force of the MIR, and the central committees of the Communist Party and the Communist Youth.

During this period, according to the Rettig Report, it was responsible for the disappearance of nearly 30 people. Other sources speak of more than 70. The CC was formed mainly by agents belonging to the Air Force Intelligence Directorate (DIFA) and later with significant participation by personnel from the Carabineros Intelligence Directorate (DICAR).

It also had, to a lesser extent, the participation of agents from the Naval Intelligence Service (SIN) and some personnel from the Army Intelligence Directorate (DINE). In addition, members of the Chilean Investigative Police and civilians from the far-right group Patria y Libertad collaborated in that Command.

The beginnings at the AGA

Witnesses who survived the torture at the Air War Academy remember their torturers, among others, as Generals Orlando Gutiérrez Bravo and Juan Soler Manfredini; Commanders Sergio Lizasoaín Mitrano, Edgar Cevallos Jones, Jaime Lavín Fariña, Carlos Godoy Avendaño, Juan Bautista González, Ramón Cáceres Jorquera, and Humberto Velásquez Estay; FACH Colonel and doctor Humberto Berg Fontecilla; Colonels Sergio Sanhueza López and Javier Lopetegui Torres; Captains León Duffey Treskoff (who reached the rank of general within the FACH), Alberto Waschtendorf, Juan Carlos Sandoval, Alvaro Gutiérrez (currently residing in Melipilla), Jaime Lemus, Víctor Mattig Guzmán, Florencio Dublé, Contreras, and Hernán Fucshlogher (head of the permanent guard); lawyer Julio Tapia Falk (mastermind of the war council and main advisor to General Leigh. Appointed Rector of the U. de Chile, lawyer for Manuel Contreras when he tried to take refuge in the Talcahuano Naval Hospital, and, lately, a plaintiff against the play "Arturo Prat." He works in his firm...

lawyer's office in the Providencia commune, on Santa Magdalena street), legal advisors Cristián Rodríguez, Jaime Cruzat Corvera (who has his office in the heart of Paseo Huérfanos), and Víctor Barahona; Lieutenants Juan Carlos Sandoval, Luis Campos, José García Huidobro, Franklin Bello, and Gonzalo Pérez Canto; Sergeant Hugo "Chuncho" Lizana, Sub-officer Juan Normabuena, Corporal Eduardo Cartagena, and 2nd Corporal Gabriel Cortés (who changed his name).

The Most Sinister

Sergio Manuel Barra Von Kretschmann (ID 1.614.559-9), head of the Naval Intelligence Service within the Intelligence Community (José Antonio Ríos 6). A frigate captain at the time of the coup d'état, he was part of the DINA directorate in 1974 and sub-director in 1975.

In 1976, he joined the CNI. He was prosecuted by Judge Cerda as an accomplice to criminal conspiracy and the kidnapping of Edrás Pinto and Reinalda Pereira.

Freddy Enrique Ruiz Bunger, General (ret.) of the FACH. Head of the DIFA at J.A.R. 6. Prosecuted as an author of criminal conspiracy and an accomplice to the kidnapping of Edrás Pinto and Reinalda Pereira, for the kidnapping of Víctor Vega, and for the disappearance and death of Juan Luis Rivera Matus.

Also for the crime of qualified kidnapping of Víctor Vega, David Urrutia, Juan Carlos Orellana, Ricardo Weibel, Alonso Gahona Chávez, and Miguel Rodríguez Gallardo, and the illegal detention of survivors Isabel Stange, Jaime Estay, and Amanda Velasco.

Mario H. Vivero Avila, General (ret.) of the FACH, Aviation judge, and commander of the Santiago garrison in 1976. Prosecuted as a concealer of the criminal conspiracy and the disappearance of Víctor Vega.

Edgar Benjamín Cevallos Jones, Colonel (ret.) of the FACH. Director of the DIFA and later the SIFA, a torturer at the Air War Academy, and boss of Roberto Fuentes Morrison at the CC. Alias "Inspector Cabezas." ID 2.895.236-8.

Prosecuted as an author of criminal conspiracy and an accomplice to the kidnapping of Edrás Pinto and Reinalda Pereira, and for the disappearance of Luis Baeza Cruces and the murder of Alfonso Carreño Diaz in 1974.

Carlos Arturo Madrid Hayden, Commander (ret.) of the FACH. Vice-commander of the Colina Anti-Aircraft Artillery Regiment, where the "Remo Cero" torture center operated. Prosecuted as an author of criminal conspiracy and the kidnapping of Víctor Vega and Juan Luis Rivera Matus.

Daniel Luis Enrique Guimpert Corvalán,

Lieutenant (ret.) of the Navy (ID 4.638.149-1). Prosecuted as an author of criminal conspiracy and an accomplice to the kidnapping of Edrás Pinto, Reinalda Pereira, and Víctor Vega.

Eduardo Enrique Cartagena Maldonado, alias "Lalo." ID 5.083.760. Sub-officer (ret.) of the FACH. Agent of the CC since 1975, participating in the kidnappings, torture, and disappearances of numerous communist leaders between that year and 1976.

After the dissolution of this organization, he joined the Air Force Intelligence Service (SIFA). His last known address is Del Rey 394, Maipú, where he was denounced by the FUNA Commission. It is most likely that he is living in the central coastal area.

Miguel Arturo Estay Reyno, alias "El Fanta." ID 6.446.545-7. A former communist militant, he went from informant to agent after being detained in 1975 by members of the Joint Command (Comando Conjunto).

Prosecuted by Judge Cerda and amnestied by Silva Ibáñez, he is currently serving a life sentence in Colina for the murder of the three communist professionals and is being prosecuted for the disappearance of Víctor Vega.

César Luis Palma Ramírez, alias "El Fifo." ID 6.387.372-1. As a militant of Patria y Libertad, he participated in numerous terrorist attacks against the UP government. He was detained in August 1973 for his participation in the homicide of presidential aide Arturo Araya, and was amnestied after the coup d'état by Admiral Adolfo Waulbaum.

A friend of Fuentes Morrison, who brought him to the CC, he became his right-hand man in the execution of repressive tasks. His last known address is El Quilo 5535, Quinta Normal, where the cooling equipment factory FRIGOMET LTDA. operates; they claim not to know him, yet his fax number 7738010 remains registered under the name Palma Ramírez.

Leonardo Alberto Schneider Jordán, alias "El Barba." ID 5.521.250-3. Former MIR militant and agent. Accused by numerous survivors of having participated in their detention and torture at the Air War Academy.

He later joined the brigade dedicated to repressing the MIR within the DINA. Prosecuted for torture and permanent kidnapping in at least two Santiago courts. His last known address is Las Hualtatas 4966, phone 2633546, Vitacura.

Roberto Alfonso Flores Cisterna, alias "El Huaso." ID 7.677.975-8. Soldier (ret.) of the FACH. On September 11, 1973, as a FACH soldier at the El Bosque Air Base, he participated in the interrogation and torture of detainees.

In 1975, he joined the CC, becoming responsible for the kidnapping, torture, and disappearance of dozens of communist militants. Until the mid-90s, he remained in active service in the SIFA; today he appears to be working in the commercial sector. His last known address is Villa Tantauco, Block 10282, apt. 31, San Bernardo.

Otto Silvio Trujillo Miranda,

civilian agent, alias "Colmillo Blanco" in a report by La Nación. ID 5.684.434-1. A DC militant in his youth, he later joined Patria y Libertad, where he met "Wally," who would take him to the CC. He participated in the kidnapping, torture, and disappearance of dozens of leftist militants until his expulsion due to an incident with the DINA.

After a long stay in the Penitentiary Hospital, he has been seen circulating in the La Florida commune.

Guillermo Antonio Urra Carrasco, alias "Willy." ID 6.687.227-0. 2nd Corporal (ret.) of the FACH. Operational agent of the CC since its formalization in 1975. He was prosecuted by Judge Carlos Cerda for his participation in the kidnapping, torture, and disappearance of dozens of leftist militants.

According to direct witnesses, he is responsible for the execution of prisoners in the Cajón del Maipo (including José Weibel and agents Carol Flores and Guillermo Bratti), in Cuesta Barriga (including Horacio Cepeda, Fernando Ortiz, and Reinalda Pereira), and for throwing others into the sea off the coast of Quinteros. His last known address is Santa Blanca 1990, Las Condes.

Fernando Patricio Zúñiga Canales, alias "Chirola." ID 5.974.807-6. Sub-officer (ret.) of the FACH. As a soldier at the El Bosque Air Base on September 11, 1973, he participated in the torture of his comrades-in-arms.

He was then transferred to the Air War Academy to perform the same functions and from there joined the DIFA. In 1975, he joined the CC, where he participated in the kidnapping, torture, and disappearance of dozens of leftist militants. He belonged to the FACH Intelligence Service (SIFA) at least until the early 90s. His last known address is Pasaje Simón Bolívar 1298, San Bernardo.

Jorge Rodrigo Cobos Manríquez, FACH reserve lieutenant, from Patria y Libertad. Alias "Kiko" or "Elefantito" (ID 5.890.505-4). Prosecuted as an author of criminal conspiracy and an accomplice to the kidnapping of Edrás Pinto, Reinalda Pereira, and Víctor Vega.

Jorge Arnoldo Barraza Riveros, Commissioner (ret.) of the Investigative Police. Alias "El Zambra." Prosecuted as an accomplice to criminal conspiracy.

Pedro Ernesto Caamaño Medina,

Sub-officer (ret.) of the FACH. Alias "Peter" (ID 7.024.319-9). Operational agent at the "La Firma" torture center. Prosecuted by Judge Carlos Hazbún for the kidnapping of Víctor Vega. He participated in the kidnapping of José Weibel and dozens of militants of the Communist Youth.

His last known address is José Miguel Carrera 424, apartment 702, Santiago Centro, a place where he was denounced to his neighbors by the FUNA Commission.

Alejandro Fígari Verdugo, alias Luty,

from Patria y Libertad, second in command of the detention team after "Fifo" Palma (according to Otto Trujillo). ID 6.693.227-3.

Alex Damián Carrasco Olivos, FACH official, bodyguard for Leigh, Fernando Matthei, and Ramón Vega. Alias "Loco Alex" (ID 6.243.426-7). Operational agent of the Joint Command.

Juan Arturo Chávez Sandoval, Corporal (ret.) of the FACH. Alias "Peque," "Rucio," or "Pol." ID 6.476.141-2. Torturer at the AGA and CC operative. Prosecuted for the kidnapping of Víctor Vega.

Raúl Horacio González Fernández,

official (ret.) of the FACH. Alias "Rodrigo" or "Wally Chico." ID 6.519.815-0. Witnesses state he participated in the detention of José Weibel. "Funado" (publicly exposed) in Puerto Montt in October 2002, in front of the Volcanes radio taxi company located at 459 Doctor Marín street, phones 313131 and 313989, from which he offered services to the newspapers El Mercurio and El Llanquihue, and to the local Coca-Cola subsidiary.

Prosecuted as an accomplice to the illegal detention of Amanda Velasco Pedersen in the 25th Criminal Court.

Antonio Benedicto Quiros Reyes, ID 3.189.349-6. Colonel (ret.) of the FACH and head of the Counterintelligence Department during the years of the CC. Prosecuted by Carlos Cerda as an author of criminal conspiracy.

Andrés Pablo Potin Lailhacar,

civilian agent of the CC. Alias "Yerko." ID 5.390.709-1. Militant of Patria y Libertad detained in August 1973 for his participation in the homicide of presidential aide Arturo Araya. Prosecuted by Judge Hazbún as a participant in the kidnapping of Víctor Vega. He is listed as a businessman in the computer sector with an office at 2506 Américo Vespucio Norte.

Robinson Alfonso Suazo Jaque, soldier (ret.) of the FACH. Alias "Jonathan." ID 7.641.894-2. Torturer at the AGA. Prosecuted in the 25th Criminal Court for the kidnapping and disappearance of Víctor Vega.

Pedro Juan Zambrano Uribe, FACH official. Alias "Chino." ID 6.969.320-2. Prosecuted by Judge Hazbún as an author of the kidnapping of Víctor Vega.

Franklin Bello Calderón, Lieutenant (ret.) of the FACH, prosecuted in the Ninth Criminal Court of Santiago for the disappearance of Luis Baeza Cruces and the murder of Alfonso Carreño Diaz in 1974.

Other torturers of the Joint Command

Miguel Angel Perucca López, FACH reservist. Víctor Misael Robles Mella, officer (ret.) of the FACH. Luis Eduardo Rojas Campillay, FACH official. Patricio Eugenio Saavedra Rojas, Commander (ret.) of the FACH.

Ramón Eduardo Valenzuela Cuevas, 5.934.129-4. Alberto Roque Badilla Grillo, ID 5.164.080-2. Tito Alejandro Figarí Verdugo, ID 6.693.227-3. Angel Gabriel Valdivia Pérez, ID 3.277.893-3. Lénin Figueroa Sánchez, ID 4.633.329-2.

Enrique Augusto Werner Haase, 4.086.322-2. Santiago Segundo San Martín Riquelme, ID 4.530.448-5. Angel Segundo Valdivia Pérez, ID 3.996.083-4. José Florentino Fuentes Castro, ID 5.340.552-5. Francisco Hidalgo García, 2.633.797-6. Francisco Segundo Illanes Miranda, ID 4.294.918-3. Ernesto Arturo Lobos Gálvez, ID 5.082.345-8. Jorge Aníbal Osses Novoa, ID 4.818.025-6.

Source: elsiglo.cl, December 10, 2004

History of a Betrayal: Carola's New Life

-"Good afternoon, could I speak with María Alicia Uribe?" -"There is no lady by that name here." -"Is this not her house?" -"No, this is a commercial office. Excuse me. Goodbye." The life of María Alicia Uribe Gómez remains a mystery to this day.

In her statements before the justice system, she has reiterated that the address where she resides is an apartment located on Santa Rosa street, and it is there that the Investigative Police contact her whenever they require her testimony for human rights violation cases.

However, in this telephone conversation, which took place on Tuesday, August 24, those who inhabit the old building where she claims to live deny knowing her. Furthermore, in this downtown neighborhood of Santiago, no neighbor knows who she is.

Perhaps it is because she has not appeared in that place for a long time or, as she usually does when walking down the street, she arrives there hiding her face with dark glasses and a scarf. In this way, she seeks to ensure that no one identifies her during her rare outings in the city.

The fear of being attacked for her past transformed her into a solitary character, almost a hermit, who spends most of her time confined to her home. Her fear stems from the fact that, from being a determined militant with military training in Cuba, she became with equal vehemence a fundamental collaborator for the security agencies of the military regime.

There, the woman who was known as "Carola" by her former comrades in the MIR came to be called "Gloria Vilches." Like many other detainees, she did not tolerate the torture sessions she suffered for a month at the Villa Grimaldi detention center.

But unlike most of them, this 62-year-old woman broke all emotional and ideological ties with her revolutionary past and joined the military world forever. First, she denounced those who had worked with her for years in the MIR, several of whom are forcibly disappeared.

Then, for 25 years, María Alicia Uribe worked as just another official in the Army's intelligence services, until she retired from the institution as a civilian employee in the year 2000. María Alicia Uribe was an atypical political cadre in the MIR.

She did not wear the artisanal attire characteristic of young female MIR members and stood out for her concerned look. Ángeles Álvarez, who shared militancy with her, remembers that she was "a bit frivolous." It is the most extreme case among those considered a symbol of disloyalty in the ranks of the left.

Unlike the former PS militant Luz Arce and, to a lesser extent, the former MIR member Marcia Merino, "Carola" never showed the slightest sign of remorse. Nor did she want to collaborate with the justice system whenever she was summoned to testify.

In 2001, when interrogated by the Investigative Police, she said: "I already betrayed once in my life. I will not do it again." Her story is the most unknown and disconcerting regarding the subject of informing during the military government, and for that reason, it was among the sources of inspiration for constructing Irene, the main character of the novel La Vida Doble by Arturo Fontaine.

There are many coincidences between Carola and Irene. Both went through torture and turned in many people. But, furthermore, they justify their betrayal to a greater or lesser extent. In one of the paragraphs, the book's protagonist says: "There is something undignified in repentance and the desire for forgiveness, something Christian-like that bothers me.

The devil, even in defeat, remains faithful to himself and to his own contradiction."

Between Makeup and Weapons

María Alicia Uribe Gómez always led a solitary life. From her time as a student at the Liceo Darío Salas until she began her Social Work degree at the University of Chile, she had to get used to spending her nights in different boarding houses in Santiago.

Her father did not acknowledge her for many years, and her mother, who worked as a live-in domestic worker, could not live with her. Her former schoolmates do not remember having met her maternal family, as they say that "Carola" avoided talking about her personal history. "She was ashamed of her social origin and the fact of being the daughter of a single mother," one of them specifies.

In 1969, while in her first year of university, she joined a student brigade of the MIR, where there was much reflection on class differences and the paths that existed to overcome inequality and capitalism.

That made her feel welcomed, and "her social reality ceased to be a source of complex for her for a time," according to her university companions. Despite the harmony she achieved with revolutionary ideas, María Alicia Uribe was an atypical political cadre in this movement.

She did not wear the artisanal attire characteristic of young female MIR members and stood out for her concerned look. Ángeles Álvarez, who shared militancy with her, remembers that she was "a bit frivolous.

She liked to wear a lot of makeup and be the center of attention." From her perspective, Uribe joined the MIR more attracted by the adventure than by a deep ideological conviction. Nevertheless, Álvarez admits that she had "a high level of commitment to the revolution." The above, however, is interpreted by those who investigated her history as the result of "an excessive aspiration for power," which would have determined her conduct throughout her political life.

In any case, "Carola" stood out for her skills as part of the information team of the movement founded by Miguel Enríquez. There, she had an important role in the "Tarea en F" unit, the body that sought, among other things, to infiltrate the Armed Forces.

Furthermore, during her military and intelligence training in Havana, she demonstrated great skill with weapons. After six months of training, she returned to Chile having become a trusted woman for the MIR leadership.

Subsequent to the military coup, this condition led her to assume a leadership position in the unit where the most confidential records of the insurgent organization were classified. And although paradoxical, this led her to prison and saved her from death.

From Fear to Informing

Around 11:00 a.m. on November 12, 1974, "Carola" was walking along Irarrázaval when, suddenly, panic took hold of her. In front of her was her friend Marcia Merino, who was already collaborating with the security services.

Her first impression was not wrong. Almost immediately, the feared "Flaca Alejandra" pointed at her with her hand, and a group of DINA agents pounced on her to capture her. Her last vision in freedom was a red Renault 4 into which they loaded her after covering her eyes with tape. "There is a period when one is detained in which one says nothing.

Then, due to the pressures and torture, one begins to talk, and subsequently, an absolute breakdown occurs. That was what happened to me at the end of December 1974," recounted María Alicia Uribe. The first image she would see again was the face of a soldier who interrogated her while she suffered electric shocks.

She spent about a month like that in Villa Grimaldi, until the fear of physical pain ended up destroying her loyalty to the MIR. María Alicia described the horror lived during those weeks in a statement she gave to the justice system six years ago: "There is a period when one is detained in which one says nothing.

Then, due to the pressures and torture, one begins to talk, and subsequently, an absolute breakdown occurs. That was what happened to me at the end of December 1974." "Carola," however, omits in this testimony a fact that her former political comrades consider key in her determination to work for the agency directed by General Manuel Contreras.

In those days, Brigadier Pedro Espinoza took Uribe's mother to the detention center located in Peñalolén. It was never known what happened in that meeting, but after that, "Carola" decided to join the security agency.

As the weeks passed, Espinoza established a very close bond with "Carola." At first, the military officer realized the privileged information she held not only about the MIR but also about the Communist Party.

And that was the main reason why he decided not to make her forcibly disappeared. Later, that bond between them turned into a romantic relationship, according to various sources who knew about this situation closely.

The other detainees in Villa Grimaldi noticed the turnaround she experienced at the beginning of 1975, when she moved from the dark dungeons to a small cabin located in the courtyard of that facility, where Luz Arce and Marcia Merino also lived.

From that place, María Alicia Uribe returned to the cells occasionally, dressed in the prisoners' clothes. "She walked around with a sweater of mine and seemed not to care," recalls Ángeles Álvarez. Her former militant companion was not too surprised by the complete turn of her former comrade.

But many were shocked by the cruelty of her performance during the interrogations of the detainees. They remember, for example, a recurring phrase. When someone did not collaborate, she would say: "This one needs to be gone over."

Carola's New Life

"Carola's" laughter inside Villa Grimaldi was unmistakable to several of the detainees. It was a "shameless" laugh, they say, amidst the foul language she used with Pedro Espinoza and with officer Ricardo Lawrence, who weeks earlier had been in charge of her torture.

By the beginning of 1975, she was already fully integrated into that new life and avoided coming face-to-face with those who had been her friends and were then imprisoned. Due to her capacity as an analyst, her first job at the DINA was to decipher microfilm negatives with strategic information about the MIR.

Later, she assumed duties in the Operations Directorate, the body where it was decided who to detain. It was 1976, and María Alicia Uribe already enjoyed a certain influence over the intelligence agents.

Two years later, her loyalty was rewarded: they allowed her to join the CNI as an analyst of subversive information and as a direct assistant to Navy officer Alejandro Campos Rehbein, at the security agency's central headquarters.

By then, "Carola" was a solitary woman. In her new duties, she spoke little with her coworkers, with whom she did not have a fluid personal relationship. Furthermore, she had lost all her old friendships formed in university political life.

Her closest bond was the one she had with Brigadier Pedro Espinoza, who was her main protector in the military world and, at times, also in the personal sphere. Socialist lawyer Pedro Matta, who has investigated security activities, relates that in 1975 the former MIR member was legally recognized by her father and stopped calling herself María Alicia Gómez Gómez to take the surname Uribe.

In this change, so important for her, according to the professional, the management of Pedro Espinoza was decisive. According to those who have investigated this story, the officer's intermediation consisted of pointing a weapon at "Carola's" father to force him to assume his responsibility.

In 1994, this woman, of medium height and brown hair, was recognized by a former MIR member on the street. Fortunately, he was one of the few militants who saw her as a victim of repression. In that encounter, Uribe told him that she had fully assumed her new life in the military world.

After the return to democracy, she remained linked to the Army Intelligence Directorate (DINE), first as an analyst and later in more administrative tasks. In the early 90s, it was usual to see her walking along República street, the neighborhood where several offices of the intelligence agencies operated.

In 1994, this woman, of medium height and brown hair, was recognized by a former MIR member on the street. Fortunately, he was one of the few militants who saw her as a victim of repression. In that encounter, the former University of Chile student told him that she had fully assumed her new life in the military world.

At that time, as Marcia Merino has commented on more than one occasion, María Alicia referred to the members of the MIR as terrorists. Today, "Carola" says she lives disconnected from the Army, although the Investigative Police state that she receives a monthly pension from the National Defense Social Security Fund (Capredena).

This allowed her to take care of her sick mother, to whom she dedicated most of her time in recent years. Unlike Luz Arce and "Flaca Alejandra," María Alicia Uribe did not start a family. According to a friend, she lives alone in an apartment near La Moneda.

Source: Revista Que Pasa, September 3, 2010

Case 2.182-98: "Operation Condor" Case

The DINA Foreign Sub-directorate functioned throughout the entire time of the DINA's own existence. As a structure, the following can be pointed out, as it appears fundamentally in the execution of the investigation order, which is recorded on page 2,222.

The National Intelligence Directorate (DINA), from its creation, depended directly on the Government Junta, with its National Director, Manuel Contreras Sepúlveda, periodically reporting on his work and activities to the Government Junta, as has been pointed out previously.

Under the command of the National Director, in the same line, there were three sub-directorates: Interior, Foreign, and Administrative. The Foreign Sub-directorate was in charge of Aviation Colonel Mario Jahn Barrera.

There also existed the so-called Foreign Department, in charge of Lieutenant Colonel Arturo Ureta Sire, in whose offices, among others, José Octavio Zara Holger, Christoph Willike Floel, Alejandro Paulino Campos Rebhein , Ana María Rubio de la Cruz, and Carmen Hidalgo worked.

In Buenos Aires, there were also, as attachés to the embassy, Víctor Hugo Barría Barría and Carlos Hernán Labarca Sanhueza. Lautaro Enrique Arancibia Clavel was a civilian agent in that country.

Source: Judiciary, June 5, 2014