Relying on reports from 1979, the Association of Relatives of the Forcibly Disappeared (AFDD) reported that the brother of senatorial candidate Jorge Arancibia, Fernando Arancibia, held the position of deputy director of the National Intelligence Center (CNI) and allegedly denied the existence of political prisoners to judges of the time.

According to the president of the organization, Viviana Díaz, it is established that the former Army colonel, Fernando Arancibia, participated in the operational group of the Coup d'État and later in the creation of the DINA.

Furthermore, he was a Military Attaché in Argentina in 1978 and returned in 1979 to become the deputy director of the CNI. The leader explained that this background information highlights the need to initiate judicial actions to investigate the true current participation of the CNI and, specifically, the link of the former admiral Arancibia to this situation. "A senatorial candidate and a deputy director of the CNI, genetically and ideologically twinned, one in the Navy and the other in the Army, both united by a coup-plotting past and a conspiratorial present, are leading a major political and intelligence operation intended to install the Pinochet legacy," states a declaration from the AFDD. The information from the association also specifies that "in 1980, following the discovery of human remains in Lonquén, the CNI initiated an operation to remove the remains of the forcibly disappeared throughout the country, under its own coordination." They add that some time later, Colonel (ret.) Arancibia appeared alongside the leader of Avanzada Nacional, Alvaro Corbalán. For Viviana Díaz, this background information makes it evident that senatorial candidate Arancibia could not have been unaware of the information regarding the forcibly disappeared that he denied during his time on the Dialogue Table, an instance he himself promoted, she asserted. "Admiral (ret.) Arancibia lied to the entire country when providing that information about the Cuesta Barriga case, as he was undoubtedly aware of the removal of the remains of Fernando Ortiz, Fernando Navarro, Lincoyán Berríos, Héctor Veliz, Horacio Cepeda, and Luis Lazo, disguising an operation intended to make our relatives disappear for a second time and presenting it as a contribution to clarifying what happened." Army rejects accusations regarding links to security agencies The Army categorically rejected the expressions of Socialist deputy Sergio Aguiló, who linked the military institution to still-active security agencies of the dictatorship, as he denounced yesterday following the surveillance that has affected the RN leader, Sebastián Piñera. On a website made public by the Minister of the Interior, José Miguel Insulza, an extrajudicial statement by Aguiló appeared, obtained when he was a prisoner during the military regime. Regarding this, the deputy said that it "would demonstrate that former CNI agents are absolutely active and cannot be active without being under the protection of the DINE, because all the people who were part of the DINA and the CNI were Army officers." Mery confirms surveillance by former CNI members The director general of the Investigative Police, Nelson Mery, confirmed today that former officials of the dissolved National Intelligence Center (CNI) are conducting surveillance on certain personalities in the political and business world. The head of the civil police added that, for this reason, protection is being provided to certain individuals, whose identities he declined to reveal. "Effectively, there are people who have turned to the police themselves or by instructions of the Ministry of the Interior, to whom protection is being provided because they have felt threatened in their personal integrity," admitted Mery. He did not want to specify whether these operations are carried out by isolated individuals or groups, but he did specify that "these are activities that do not correspond to a democratic state."

Source: AFDD

CHILE: THEY KNOW THE FATE OF THE FORCIBLY DISAPPEARED

Arancibia knows the fate of the forcibly disappeared, affirms the Association of Relatives of the Forcibly Disappeared. They affirm that judicial reports requested by magistrates in cases of the disappeared demonstrate that Colonel (ret.) Fernando Arancibia denied their existence.

The UDI accused the Concertación of carrying out a political operation against its candidate in the V Costa and warned that it will ask for the resignation of Insulza if the espionage accusations are well-founded.

Relying on reports from 1979, the Association of Relatives of the Forcibly Disappeared (AFDD) reported that the brother of senatorial candidate Jorge Arancibia, Fernando Arancibia, held the position of deputy director of the National Intelligence Center (CNI) and allegedly denied the existence of political prisoners to judges of the time.

According to the president of the organization, Viviana Díaz, it is established that the former Army colonel, Fernando Arancibia, participated in the operational group of the Coup d'État and later in the creation of the DINA.

Furthermore, he was a Military Attaché in Argentina in 1978 and returned in 1979 to become the deputy director of the CNI. The leader explained that this background information highlights the need to initiate judicial actions to investigate the true current participation of the CNI and, specifically, the link of the former admiral Arancibia to this situation. "A senatorial candidate and a deputy director of the CNI, genetically and ideologically twinned, one in the Navy and the other in the Army, both united by a coup-plotting past and a conspiratorial present, are leading a major political and intelligence operation intended to install the Pinochet legacy," states a declaration from the AFDD. The information from the association also specifies that "in 1980, following the discovery of human remains in Lonquén, the CNI initiated an operation to remove the remains of the forcibly disappeared throughout the country, under its own coordination." They add that some time later, Colonel (ret.) Arancibia appeared alongside the leader of Avanzada Nacional, Alvaro Corbalán. For Viviana Díaz, this background information makes it evident that senatorial candidate Arancibia could not have been unaware of the information regarding the forcibly disappeared that he denied during his time on the Dialogue Table, an instance he himself promoted, she asserted. "Admiral (ret.) Arancibia lied to the entire country when providing that information about the Cuesta Barriga case, as he was undoubtedly aware of the removal of the remains of Fernando Ortiz, Fernando Navarro, Lincoyán Berríos, Héctor Veliz, Horacio Cepeda, and Luis Lazo, disguising an operation intended to make our relatives disappear for a second time and presenting it as a contribution to clarifying what happened." UDI enters the field Already yesterday, the UDI considered the denunciation by the Minister of the Interior, José Miguel Insulza, regarding the existence of linked security agencies to be a "smoke screen." Today, it lashed out and asserted that it is part of "a political operation by the Concertación to attack a senatorial candidacy that will be the first majority in the V Costa" and, in passing, warned that if the background information regarding possible espionage and surveillance is confirmed, they will ask for the resignation of the chief of staff. The pro-unionist senators Jovino Novoa, Andrés Chadwick, and Carlos Bombal affirmed that the ruling party has set in motion a political operation to harm the options of their candidate Jorge Arancibia in the V Costa, and to "distort" the political agreement reached by the Alianza por Chile, which allowed for the cleaning up of internal competition on the right. "By all accounts, it suits the Concertación to try to dirty these agreements. I regret that Minister Insulza, who is the government figure one looks to when there are problems of public order or security, has given cause with his statements to think that the CNI continues to operate," specified Novoa. The UDI stressed that they expect to know the background information that substantiated the minister's accusations to determine—added Novoa—if there is negligence by the people in charge of the country's security, a case in which the pro-unionists have already warned they will ask for the resignation of Insulza. "The CNI is the organization that for the Concertación is a symbol of all evils and, if in 10 years they have not prevented it from functioning, it means they are useless and must resign," affirmed the senator. Along with asserting that the UDI "will not buy into any advertising maneuver, even if it is from the Ministry of the Interior," the senators downplayed the denunciations that the brother of their senatorial candidate in the V Costa was deputy director of the CNI. "Certainly Eduardo Frei knew it when he appointed Jorge Arancibia as commander-in-chief of the Navy, and that they try to bring that up now demonstrates the filthiness of politics."

Source: Primera Linea, August 23, 2001

ADMIRAL ARANCIBIA'S BROTHER COORDINATED THE REMOVAL OF THE REMAINS OF THE DISAPPEARED

As revealed by the electronic newspaper “El Mostrador,” the brother of Admiral Jorge Arancibia Reyes, current senatorial candidate for the right-wing party Independent Democratic Union (UDI), General (ret.) Fernando Arancibia Reyes, former deputy director of the CNI under the direction of Odlanier Mena, coordinated the removal of the remains of the forcibly disappeared in 1980.

This was confirmed by Mena himself, who said that the CNI was responsible for moving corpses and, according to the version reported by said media outlet, it was Fernando Arancibia who coordinated the decision assumed by the organization following the discovery of the Lonquén Kilns in 1978.

Currently, Fernando Arancibia acts as one of the main advisors to his brother's senatorial campaign and was allegedly one of the ideologues of the former admiral's political operation.

Source: Fasic, August 21, 2001

Arancibia's brother was interrogated

General (ret.) Fernando Arancibia Reyes, brother of the former commander-in-chief of the Navy and current UDI senatorial candidate Jorge Arancibia Reyes, had full control of the economic and material resources of the National Intelligence Center (CNI) for a short period of time, a fact that could be linked to operations for the removal of the bodies of the forcibly disappeared, following the discoveries of 1978.

According to reports from tvn.cl, the retired military officer himself acknowledged that between mid-1979 and December 1980, he fulfilled a short mission in the CNI in the position of deputy director, a post from which he had full knowledge of the intelligence work that the department was developing throughout the country.

General (ret.) Arancibia Reyes acknowledged his work in the organization in a judicial statement provided within the framework of the investigation into the assassination of union leader Tucapel Jiménez Alfaro, killed by Army agents on February 25, 1982.

On July 27, 1999, Arancibia Reyes provided a statement as a witness before the investigating judge of the case, Sergio Muñoz Gajardo, a procedure that appears on page 3841 of the proceedings for the death of the union leader and is one of the few judicial testimonies provided by the deputy director of the CNI in cases of human rights violations.

The proceeding, to which TVN.cl had access, is no more than one page long in Judge Muñoz's case file. It is divided into three parts clearly identifiable to anyone reading the text of the testimony. In the first, the retired general gives an account of his personal data and his military career in the Army from its beginnings until his retirement from the institution.

He details all the functions he performed, among which are his capacity as deputy director of the CNI and diplomatic assignments in Argentina. Then, Fernando Arancibia Reyes adds a detail of his work in the CNI and asserts that after he was appointed to the position, he took "knowledge of matters related to economic, material, and personnel resources, as well as some aspects related to the intelligence work carried out in the Center, once the information was analyzed and the General Staff issued an intelligence report," says the testimony.

The previous statement reveals at least two essential facts that could prove significant for investigations into human rights violations. In the first place, that the deputy director of the organization managed the service's resources and, second, that the General Staff instructed the CNI on some aspects it considered important for national intelligence work, within which the removal of the bodies of the disappeared could be framed.

Then, the then-deputy director of the CNI gives an account of the materials that the organization possessed, among which were a series of elements that "mysteriously" disappeared with the passage of time and that essentially refer to how the information collected by the organization was archived. "I remember that there were vehicles, radio equipment, computational elements, instruments appropriate for reducing information to microfilm, armaments," affirms the retired military officer.

Thus, he acknowledged that the CNI collected data and that it maintained those files computationally; however, that information has been systematically denied to the courts, and the Army asserts that it destroyed it with the passage of time.

Finally, the former deputy director of the CNI acknowledges that personnel outside the military institutions worked in the organization and gives an account that those tasks were not only known by the military organizations but also by at least two State ministers who had to approve the payment of salaries. "I remember that some civilians also worked there, who were hired with a decree signed by the Ministries of the Interior and Finance," asserts General (ret.) Fernando Arancibia Reyes, who then signs the statement expressing his agreement with what was read in the text that Judge Muñoz placed in front of him.

Source: Primera Linea, Sunday, September 9

A secret CIA document reveals impressive background information on the assassination of former President Frei

The shocking revelations of the attached document are part of the archive maintained by the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) at the United States Embassy in Santiago. The reasons and circumstances by which said documentation is in our possession will be made known first in the respective courts that are investigating the matters and cases concerned, as a matter of an elementary imperative of civic duty.

For the moment, we can say that it is a set of approximately forty documents, totaling more than two hundred pages, which illuminate with disturbing flashes and contribute to understanding the particular configuration of the Chilean transition, the performance of the political class within it, and the original accumulation of certain business groups in the country, in a way that the attached document is nothing more than a preview.

Without prejudice to the above, and since the knowledge of this background information constitutes not only a citizen's right but also a dark area of our history that deserves to be unveiled, we are in a position to announce that the entirety of the information will be published in the form of a book that will appear as soon as our own investigation, collation, and verification of the same are finalized.

Meanwhile, the originals of the documents, and a legalized copy of each of them, will remain in custody in two different notary offices, from where a mechanism to make them public immediately will be activated in case of any eventuality.

Nomenclature The report with which we inaugurate the publication of the Secret CIA Documents in Chile corresponds to the translation of a compilation of information relative to the operations Coihueco, the code name for the assassination of Tucapel Jiménez; Valquiria, the code name for the assassination of former President Eduardo Frei Montalva; and Cóndor 2, the code name for the assassination of the chemist Eugenio Berríos, which records entries for the years 1984, 1986, and 1999.

The original in English was sent to Washington DC under the classification Secret-3290, while the notation "Eyes Only" implies that it is a read-only document, indicative of its high confidentiality. As far as we know, WSA is the agency in charge of monitoring and intervening in the main media outlets.

AMCO, American Communications, is the communications department of the embassy. APO is a section dependent on the CIA in any country, which establishes that documentation with the designation "APO" can only be handled and compiled by "authorized personnel," who, only once checked, send it to the other agencies.

Once APO compiles it, ARA enters the documentation into a registry archive at the local CIA station, based on information provided by operational teams. Specifically, in the case of the attached document, that which was provided by groups G12 and G14, in charge of the infiltration of the political and union areas, which, moreover, remain in full activity.

The veracity of the information contained in the document "Action Copy 9091 to 9097" is for the competent courts to determine, as they have the powers, authority, and means to do so. For our part, the decision to publish said document obeys both the background information that can be provided to the Visiting Judge, Alejandro Madrid, who not by chance accumulates the investigation of the Frei and Berríos cases, and the results of our own collation of the information, which, in a manner sufficient for the norm, ethics, and journalistic method, points to the authenticity of the data.

Judicial merit The breakdown of the information in section 9091, relative to the Operational Designation Coihueco—that is, the assassination of Tucapel Jiménez Alfaro, which occurred on February 25, 1982—does not offer substantive differences with respect to the investigation of Visiting Judge Sergio Muñoz, but it provides some previously unknown background information.

For starters, the participation, in varying degrees, of generals Arturo Alvarez Sgolia, Hernán Ramírez Rurange, Humberto Gordon, and Fernando Torres Silva, of Major Carlos Herrera Jiménez, of Colonel Arturo Silva Valdés, and of non-commissioned officers Miguel Letelier Verdugo and Manuel Contreras Donaire, appears proven to the point of the conviction of most of them.

On the other hand, the ruling does not establish the intervention of the UAT, the Special Military Intelligence Unit according to the CIA document, a scarcely known direct intervention unit that answered directly to Pinochet, above the hierarchical command of the formal intelligence services, and which appears directly implicated in the homicides of Tucapel Jiménez, Eduardo Frei, Eugenio Berríos, and Gerardo Huber Olivares, under the motive of "neutralizing" potential threats to the dictatorship in the first two cases, and of preventing possible leaks of those operations to the courts in the latter two. Nor is there any novelty regarding the participation of the CNI's Union Brigade and the General Secretariat of the Guilds in the prior intelligence work and subsequent cover-up. The names of Misael Galleguillos, Raúl Lillo Gutiérrez, Miguel Hernández, Francisco Ferrer Lima, Valericio Orrego, and Eduardo Arriagada Rehren appear profusely mentioned in the process, the same as Jovino Novoa Vásquez, current President of the Senate. But the CIA report implicates the Minister of the Interior of the time, Sergio Fernández Larraín, and adds two names that do not appear in the investigation: Nelson Hernández Franco, whom the same document subsequently identifies as a liaison with Agustín Edwards, and Luis Becerra, who for nearly twenty years served as the driver for Eduardo Frei Montalva. A disturbing sequel emerges from the collation of the dates recorded in the document—1984, 1986, and 1999—in circumstances where, while Judge Sergio Valenzuela Patiño knew of it, the process was virtually paralyzed, and only in the last two years prior to the ruling, registered on August 5, 2005, did Judge Sergio Muñoz manage to unravel the plot. This means, neither more nor less, that since 1984, and in any case in 1999, the CIA, and therefore the American government, had complete knowledge of the conspiracy to assassinate Tucapel Jiménez, attributed to Pinochet in person, and of those implicated in it. It is easy to deduce the bargaining power assigned by the possession of information of such caliber. Operation Valquiria The second chapter begins with information unknown until today. In operational code, the assassination of former President Eduardo Frei Montalva was called Operation Valquiria, the same name used by the conspirators who tried to finish off Adolf Hitler through an explosive attack on July 20, 1944. Many of the names of those involved are repeated because, according to the CIA report, "two parallel fronts of action were created for the development of these two objectives, Valquiria and Coihueco." Furthermore, it specifies that "through the Special Military Intelligence Unit, UAT, which depends directly on the Commander-in-Chief General Augusto Pinochet, the operational unit Valquiria, DC, is developed. Its main objective was to neutralize and eliminate Eduardo Frei Montalva." Still according to the document, the economic and logistical aspects were handled by the company Elissalde y Poblete, one of the fronts that the DINA used to finance its operations. Names such as those of Luis González Sepúlveda, Juan Jara Quintana, Alicia Uribe, Alejandro Campos, Fernando Arancibia Reyes, and Fernando Suau Baquedano appear frequently mentioned both in judicial processes and in pages of investigative journalism. In the operational aspects, according to the document, the Army Intelligence Directorate (DINE), the Counter-Espionage Unit (CIE), the Tactical Support Command (CAT), the Exterior Department of the National Intelligence Center (CNI), and the Army Chemical Complex (IST) intervened. Among the names are agents who also appear mentioned in the assassinations of Eugenio Berríos and/or Tucapel Jiménez, cases of Fernando Torres Silva, Hernán Ramírez Rurange, Eugenio Covarrubias Valenzuela, Arturo Silva Valdés, and Raúl Lillo Gutiérrez, all of whom are subject to prosecution by Judge Alejandro Madrid in the Berríos case. In the words of the CIA report, the assassination of former President Frei was produced by the inoculation, in each of the four surgical operations, of substances such as mustard gas and the Clostridium Botulinum bacillus, brought in by DINE agents infiltrated into the Chilean Foreign Ministry. The document reports direct or indirect actions by doctors Patricio Silva Garín, Augusto Larraín Orrego, Eduardo Wainstein, Rodrigo Vélez Fuenzalida, Sergio Virgilio Bocaz, Pedro Samuel Soto, Helmar Rosenberg, Eduardo Arriagada Rehren, Sergio Rosende Oyarzún, Alejandro Goic, and Enzo Fujide. In the task of embalming the corpse and blocking the indications of the toxins, doctors Patricio Rojas Saavedra, Patricio Silva Garín, Hernán Barahona, Helmar Rosenberg, and Sergio González Bombardiere are mentioned, as well as the assistant Humberto Gallardo. For the undersigned, none of this information constitutes a novelty, since it adjusts with millimetric precision to the lines of investigation being carried out by Judge Alejandro Madrid, as we recorded in editions 1447 and 1437. But it is possible that the Judge may be interested in interrogating Juan Renán Quintana, María Eugenia Valenzuela, and Julio Lobos Romero. It is presumed that Judge Alejandro Madrid will issue his first resolutions in the course of this year. Therefore, it is highly striking that the CIA has managed this information since at least 1999. Berríos Package Many of the names, such as Ramírez Rurange, Covarrubias Valenzuela, Silva Valdés, Lillo Gutiérrez, and Herrera Jiménez reappear in the operation of "extraction" from the country and subsequent assassination of the chemist Eugenio Berríos, because, according to the CIA document, it was also an operation carried out by the UAT. To make a long story short, all the names that appear in sections 4, "Berríos Package"; 5, "Extraction from Chile"; and 6, "Execution Berríos Package," are subject to prosecution by Judge Alejandro Madrid for their participation in varying degrees in the assassination of the chemist, which occurred between January and March 1993 in Uruguay. The greatest novelty that the document provides relates to the fact that it was allegedly a denunciation by the CIA station in Buenos Aires that allowed for the detention of Herrera Jiménez; a not insignificant piece of data, since upon his return to Chile, he was one of the first to break the chain of loyalties, as he began to provide classified information that would lead to the clarification of the assassination of Tucapel Jiménez. Edwards and Co. In the parts where the document reaches its climax in terms of impact and novelty are the titles 7, "Special Intelligence and Counter-Intelligence Operations"; 8, "Intelligence Objectives and Criminal Operations"; and 9, "Asset Laundering and Operational Financing." For starters, in the planning, development of logistical means, and companies used for the cover-up of actions of the Army Intelligence School (EIE), the Army National Intelligence Directorate (DINE), the Special Military Intelligence Unit (UAT), and the National Intelligence Center (CNI), the document implicates Augusto Pinochet Ugarte, Agustín Edwards Eastman, owner of the company El Mercurio S.A.P., and his firstborn, Agustín Edwards del Río. The report adds that Pinochet personally entrusted the planning, development, and execution of operations Valquiria and Coihueco to the then-major Arturo Silva Valdés. Furthermore, it maintains that in both operations, active and retired Army personnel were used, who were transferred, in the words of the document, to the private security service of Agustín Edwards Eastman and Agustín Edwards del Río, "collaborators and informants of this agency since 1968." It adds that Arturo Silva Valdés, Nelson Hernández Franco, Marcelo Sandoval, Nelson Román, Erika Silva, and Eduardo Martínez Wogner were used as liaisons. This background information corroborates the chronicle published by the defunct newspaper Siete + 7 on August 1, 2003, titled "I Loved an Assassin," signed by journalists Verónica Foxley and Mónica González, which, regarding the retirement of Arturo Silva Valdés from the Army, related: "He materialized his plans in 1994. Vanward was born. And in September 1994, they sent him on a service commission to work for the personal security of Agustín Edwards, the owner of El Mercurio. In that mission, Nelson Hernández Franco, also a member of the secret DINE unit and who served in the CNI under the alias 'Marcos de la Fuente,' prosecuted for the assassination of Tucapel Jiménez; Marcelo Sandoval; and Nelson Román joined Valdés. There was also a woman: Erika Silva. The entire team would later be headed by Major Eduardo Martínez Wogner, who was an aide to the CNI director Humberto Gordon." Therefore, it is possible that said information is already settled in the process that Judge Alejandro Madrid is familiar with. But it also falls within the probabilities that he is unaware of the information relative to the laundering of assets for the financing of operational actions, for which a network of front companies was created, such as Serprotec S.A.; Consultsistem Chile S.A.; Inversiones Canelo Seis; Compañía de Inversiones Nacionales; Inmobiliaria Santa Raquel; Ecogas; Focus Investment; and a company that it does not identify, which would be linked to Jovino Novoa Vásquez, then information editor of the newspaper El Mercurio. Our own investigation yielded surprising results, and in many cases concordant with the information in the CIA document. Serprotec S.A. is a company incorporated by a deed published in the Official Gazette on August 18, 1992, and whose partners are Inversiones Canelo Seis y Cía, with a contribution of 4,900,000 pesos, and Juan Luis Armando Herrera Villena, who contributed the sum of 10,000 pesos. Consultsistem Chile S.A. is a company incorporated by a deed published in the Official Gazette on October 15, 1996, which registers a subscribed and paid-in capital of 6,000,000 pesos, contributed in equal parts by the partners Arturo Rodrigo Silva Valdés and Eugenio Augusto Covarrubias Benavides. Canelo Seis is an investment company incorporated on September 3, 1986, by Agustín Edwards Eastman and the Compañía de Inversiones Samotracia, integrated by Javier Duarte García de la Huerta and Jorge Eyzaguirre Correa, formed with the purpose of triangulating and liquidating the substantial debt that the company El Mercurio S.A.P. was accumulating at that time, amounting to 5.2 million Unidades de Fomento, equivalent today to 109 billion 111 million pesos, that is, a little more than 190 million dollars. The El Mercurio Salvage Operation concluded on March 8, 1990—that is, the business day immediately prior to the dictatorship formally abandoning power—with substantial loans granted by the Banco del Estado, among many other maneuvers, while Alvaro Bardón Muñoz presided over it. The lawsuit filed by Andrés Sanfuentes, President of the Banco del Estado in 1990, established that the direct patrimonial loss of the Bank with the cited operations amounted to at least 25 million dollars, equivalent to 70% of the Bank's profit in the 1989 balance sheet, and to 8% of the totality of its capital and reserves. The first reference to Inversiones Nacionales S.A. in the National Registry of Partners and Companies of the National Chamber of Commerce dates back to June 6, 1989, when Mauricio Andrés Parot Medina and Mikel Ugarte Larrazábal appear as partners. The next gloss of interest appears in the Official Gazette of February 28, 1992, with Inversiones Nacionales S.A. already converted into the parent company of the business holding of Francisco Javier Errázuriz, with its subsidiaries Comercial e Industrial Unimarc, Hipermarc Internacional, Inversiones Salmones Unimarc, Compañía Minera Nacional, and Ingeniería e Informática Nacional, among others that appear in the deed. No less surprising is the corporate link that the tracking of the deeds allows to establish between Comercial Canelo S.A. and Inversiones Nacionales S.A., of Francisco Javier Errázuriz. In the extract of notary Iván Torrealba, published on June 10, 1994, in the Official Gazette, it reads: "On May 18, 1994, it was reduced to a public deed before me, the minutes of the Extraordinary Shareholders' Meeting of Comercial Canelo S.A., in which the shareholders Agustín Edwards Eastman, Inversiones Nacionales S.A., and Agustín Edwards del Río agreed to the division of Canelo S.A. into two companies, distributing between them the patrimony, assets, and liabilities, in the form and terms agreed upon in the Meeting," establishing a capital amounting to $4,835,928,564, divided into 1,450,000,000 nominative shares without nominal value. The links between Inversiones Canelo Seis and Inversiones Nacionales are reproduced in the Sociedad de Inversiones Rahue S.A., incorporated on December 20, 2008, and in the Sociedad de Inversiones Pozo Almonte, published in the Official Gazette on October 4, 2008. New revelations from the Secret CIA Documents will be made known to the extent that the verification and collation of background information yield convincing and verifiable results. _

Source: El Siglo, June 10, 2009